Country Branding and Crisis in Mega Events. Image Impact for Poland of Clashes Between Polish and Russian Fans. Football Euro 2012.

Mega Events and City and Country Branding

UEFA Euro 2012 is the top football championship in Europe at national teams level. It receives huge media coverage all over Europe and it creates media interests in countries outside Europe with football (soccer) tradition.

UEFA Euro tournament can be considered a regional mega event. As such, countries hosting the championship become the media reference in Europe for three weeks.

There is an increasing debate and skepticism about the actual economic returns and profits that countries capture by organizing and hosting. Some experts in the field of economics of sports find at best an unclear positive impact of mega events, not greater than investing public money in other services and social needs.

I tend to share the view that mega events are not the best public investment in terms of direct returns.

But there is an effect linked to hosting mega events that it has often been neglected in the scientific literature and only recently receives more attention by academics and practitioners: the role and impact of mega events in branding or rebranding cities and countries.

And I consider that mega events and special events can play an extraordinary role in strengthening city and country brands. In some cases, this may be in fact the main benefit in hosting events. The positive impact of a well managed event and a good storytelling around the place brand may really create lasting effects that create a new era for the city or the country as a brand.

Think South Africa. Think probably Beijing. Think Barcelona.

Hosting mega events is thus a marvellous branding tool for cities or countries needing to improve their international reputation and awareness, and this either for tourism, foreign investment or for geopolitical reasons.

So, hosting Euro 2012 is a big shot for branding the country values and attractiveness of Poland and Ukraine in Europe and abroad.

But taking branding benefits in hosting a mega event requires doing a good job, and working hard for avoiding problems as much as you can.

Things may also turn wrong during the mega events. Then, normal day problems may become nightmares in terms of branding, exactly for the same reasons that mega events create brands: massive and global media coverage, invasion of free journalists from all over the world who can capture the incidents, magnification of incidents.

Every problem become a matter of crisis and reputation management and require and excellent procedure design and counting with all required ressources to manage the problems timely.

Even if correctly managed, problems arising during a mega events may become part of the long term storyline of the event, eventually tarnishing the brand image of the city or country organizers.

The list of incidents associated to mega events that remain in the memories of people associated to the city or the country is long. In fact, many times the crisis are associated to the hosting city:

  • Tlatelolco massacre in Plaza de las Tres Culturas, just before the start of 1968 Olympics in Mexico.
  • Munich massacre during 1972 Olympics. Nine kidnapped Israeli athletes were killed during an anti-terrorist plan.
  • Atlanta 1996 Olympics. Centennial Olympic Park bombing.
  • Attack to Togo national team during 2010 football Africa Cup of Nations in Angola.

What about the Euro 2012 in Poland and in Ukraine? Controversies before the event starts

Both countries face a number of problems and criticisms. Ukraine has received sustained international pressure and critizism due to low politics and democratic standards. China experienced a similar (but much stronger) negative media treatment due to human rights problems in China. But our media impact analysis showed that this kind of controversies emerge and develops the weeks before the event takes place. Once the sport competition starts, the flow of news related with the sport is so massive, that almost all controversies tend to vanish. This happened clearly with 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. Our guess is that all pre event controversies will tend to lose strength.

Finally, branding returns will be heavily determined only by what happens during the event, between 8 June and 1st July 2012.

Poland Vs Russia, 12 June 2012. A match, and clashes between fans

Many things went smoothly and well run: ‘no news, good news’, the sport emotions are telling the story.

But then, we had an embarrassing constellation of events, last 12 June 2012.

Poland had to play against Russia, as both were in Group A. This is Game 2 at group stage. Russia won its first game against  Czech Republic. Poland was able to just get a disappointing draw against Greece.

Of course, Poland has some historic rivalries with Russia.

The amazing coincidence is that 12 June is also the Russia Day. It refers to the Day of adoption of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of the Russian Federation in 1990, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union.

The embarrassing component of the story is that fans in Russia organized a march in Warsaw to celebrate Russia Day.

This combination of elements eventually confluenced in clashes between fans of Poland and Russia. We provide below the explanation of the facts by Wikipedia.

A clash involving football fans took place in Warsaw on 12 June 2012. The violence broke out when, during a march organised by Russian fans celebrating Russia Day before the Poland vs. Russia game at Warsaw’s National Stadium, rival groups of supporters began to provoke each other with insulting chants. The Polish Police fired warning shots and used water cannons to disperse rival groups of fans; around 100 arrests were made and ten people hospitalised – seven Poles, two Russians and one German. (UEFA Euro 2012, Wikipedia).

The purpose of this post is to evaluate how damaging these clashes are for Poland country reputation in the short term. We can provide some empirical answers to this relevant question.

The natural answer is that the extent of the damages is to be measured by the extent of the media coverage given to the clashes and violence, and the profile given to these news by international media.

We present first some photos of the clashes as captured by the journalists in situ and used as photos in news articles all over the world.

The images of the clashes between Polish and Russian fans and hooligans.

We show you here a selection of the photos published in different newspapers to explain what happened before the Poland Vs Russia game. By the way, the final result if the match was 1-1.

First two photos reflect images of ongoing violence, by hooligans-like men. The connection with the event is strong, as the view of the stadium appears in the photos.

The following three captions are specially damaging for brand UEFA, as they show the brand and logo UEFA, and make evident some of the unsolved problems linked to football.

Source: L’Express, France

The consequences of rioting is a police over presence, that again is damaging for Poland country brand.

Source: The Telegraph, Britain

Source: The Guardian, Britain.

The examples shown are just a selection of images used by media worldwide. How to assess the overall impact of this reputation crisis? We show the toools we use to address this issue and the results that we obtain in the next section of this post.

Measuring the global media impact of the clashes in Warsaw

The empirical strategy that we will apply in this case is image content analysis of photos used in newspapers talking about any subject related with Poland.

We are already using image content analysis to show the stars of different matches in this current Euro 2012, in previous posts in this blog.

We used image content analysis also in a previous case in this blog, about rioting and its effects in city brand. This was the violent incidents in Barcelona during a general national strike in Spain (see the analysis here).

We showed that according to our image analysis of photo news, images of destruction had a massive impact:

The images of violence had a devastating negative effect in the short term international image of city of Barcelona, as they flooded international newspapers. Rioting images represented the main image association to Barcelona, with a weighted share of 48.2%. Compared to the strike, the images about FC Barcelona sport performance took only 6.8% of image spots. Sagrada Familia and other Gaudí buildings and monuments reached a share of 11%.

This is the visual reflect of the images of Barcelona during that week:

We will apply the same technique to evaluate the impact of the clashes in Warsaw.

We have monitored images shown in press articles mentioning Poland, in several countries in Europe and abroad in 12 and 13 June 2012. Applying image content analysis, we have identified how many news were indeed related with Poland issues. Among them, we have counted how many of them did refer to Euro 2012. We have finally counted the news showing explicit images of clashes between hoolingans or massive presence of police.

In the figure below you can find the results concerning the measurement of the impact of images of violence before Poland Vs Russia in the news in countries in Europe.

We find that images of clashes have received a massive media coverage in the two directly affected countries, Poland and Russia, as we count more than 50.000 impacts. Co-hosting country Ukraine showed the incident in more than 10.000 photos. This result reflects that the incidents are considered relevant by media and public opinion both in Russia and in Poland.

Looking at media reaction in other countries in Europe, we find that the country that has provided by far more media attention is neighbour country Germany, also with more than 50,000 images. Media in France and Italy gave to the incidents less media attention, with more than 10,000 images each. Even lower consideration has been given by media in the other two big countries in Europe, also involved in Euro 2012: in Britain and Spain number of news is between 5,000 and 10,000.

We measure thus a huge media impact of the clashes in media all over Europe. The incidents, that maybe are not really serious in terms of injured people or rioting, cause a short time but large and deep negative image about Poland as tourism destination. Perceived security is one of the key factors that tourists consider before choosing the vacation destination.

We present in the following figure the impact of the clashes in media in some countries outside Europe.

In comparison with massive media impact reached in countries in Europe, the impact created outside Europe is rather mild.

We have monitored media from countries with strong football tradition. According to our results, there are more than 1.000 images about the clashes in media in Mexico. The move in the range 500 to 1.000 in Argentina and Brazil.

In other countries that don’t count with national football teams with consolidated sport performance at international level, we find that images of clashes appeared in the range 500-1000 in Canada, Australia and Indonesia. Images of the clashes are almost negligible in media in India.

Did the ball divert the attention from the clashes?

We have evidence that the images about clashes and violence between Russian and Polish fans have had a massive media impact in several countries in Europe.

How deep and lasting these images creating a very negative branding effect may be?

Long term impact is measured in the long term. There will be long term impact if people and media tend to associate to some extent Warsaw and Poland with street rioting; or future incidents by hooligans elsewehe create the recall of June 2012 clashes in Poland. There will be also lasting effects of this episode if future news related with relationship between Poland and Russia refer to June 2012 incident.

Long term impact of incidents of violence are awful for city and country branding. Precisely, the name and the images of hooliganism have been long time associated to Britain, for terrible episodes of violence in the 70s and 80s. It has taken myriad of efforts by football and local authorities to erradicate massive hooliganism, and Britain has needed decennies to restore reputation in this field. In this sense, recent rioting events in London are alse extremely damaging for their branding efforts.

The worst scenario for place branding is when your city-country becomes the epytome of a tragedy, scandals or violence. We showed for instance in this blog how every tsunami alert in the Pacific is systematically associated to Aceh, even if this region of Indonesia was not the only region devastated by 2004 tsunami. This strong association is a costly negative branding for tourism industry in Indonesia (you can see our analysis of the media impact of tsunami alert April 2012 here).

A similar story can be told at personal branding level. If a scandal by a celebrity or politician reaches the status of epytome, then every time that in the future a new scandal of the same sort emerges, the scandal-branded personality will be used by the media as example. We found for instance in a previous post of this blog that every time that a new political scandal appears linked to sexual misbehaviour, media mentions to Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinski explode in Bill Clinton’s media reputation (see here ‘The Reputational Curse of Political Sex Scandals: The Impact of Schwarzenegger and Strauss-Kahn Scandals on Bill Clinton and Monica Lewinsky Reputation’).

How to explore in the short term the chances that a current scandal or problem can produce lasting long term negative effects?

We consider that just measuring total media impact of the incident, as shown in the maps in the previous section is not enough to predict how harming the event will be in the future.

Massive media coverage is a necessary condition for creating branding impact, positive and negative. But it is not a sufficient condition.

Applying this rule, we can derive negative conclusions. We feel that the images of violence in the streets of Warsaw will not punish its city brand value in countries where the impact has been relatively low. This refers to all countries outside Europe.

As for countries in Europe, nothing can be said about long term impact with this data.

The additional information we propose to use in order to evaluate the extent of the the branding damages is to measure the impact of the negative images of violence with the positive images of sport.

We have proven that media coverage of clashes has been really massive in Russia, Poland, Ukraine and Germany. But Poland and Russia were specially interested in what happened that day in Poland, as their national team were playing a rather decisive match in that country. Also many other countries were interested in Poland that day because of football. This may imply also massive media coverage of sport related images.

Our proposal is to measure the share of bad news (images of clashes) against good news (football related images) . The higher the proportion of bad news images, the bigger the probability that the incidents will create a negative brand associations about Warsaw and Poland in people from that country. This is an exercice similar to the one followed to measure the impact of riots in Barcelona, presented above.

We count with this information for all the countries monitored and presented in the maps in the previous section. We show now our results.

We present first the results concerning media in the two directly affected countries.

We find that the share of negative images about the clashes in Polish media takes ‘only’ 12% of all images about Euro 2012 in 12 June 2012 issues. So, if media coverage to the violence was massive in Poland, much more massive is coverage about the match and other issues related with the tournament co-organized by Poland. We can assert with this information that clashes are not viewed in Poland as a dramatic and terrible event.

Moving to media coverage in Russia, we find that the other side in the story provides more relative weight to the incidents, as images of violence represent 21% of all images about the Euro 2012, almost the twice than in Polish media. It is definitively higher than reached in Poland, but the clearly higher attention given to the pure football news is telling us that media in Russia do not consider the clashes as a major insult and diplomatic new cause with Poland.

Ukraine is the third country most affected by the incidents. As country co-organizing the championship, and affected negatively by the media concerning the quality of local politics and freedom, the clashes may also harm its media reputation. We find that media coverage to the clashes was around 20% of all day news about the Euro 2012, in line with coverage given in Russia, thus higher than in Poland.

We show now the results of countries where media coverage of clases were higher.

In Germany, where media coverage was massive, we find that the weight of clashes in overall news about Euro 2012 is also stronger (25.6% of all images) than in France and Italy (around 20%). This result is bad news for Poland’s country reputation, as Germany is one key market for Poland, as it it the powerful neighbour country.

If we compare the relative importance given to the incidents in Germany and elsewhere with the media coverage provided in Poland (a share of 25.6% of all news in Germany and only 12% in Poland), this suggest that Poland tends to minimize the impact of the problem in local news, which is a common reaction.

Below, the results for other countries in Europe that showed lower quantity of images about the clashes. We obtain a variety of sensibility towards the hooligans violence. It is rather low in Spain (15.7% share), average in Britain (23.3%) and very high reaction in Portugal (32.1% of all photo news about Euro 2012). Although, total amount of photos in Portugal media were small: it reflects that the media market in Portugal is much smaller than in the other big European countries. This is why it is important to analyze not only quantity of news, but also use measures of the relative weight of these news in local media.

Finally, the results for coverage given in countries outside Europe.

We have that in countries in America, there is relative low media coverage of clashes in Mexico, moderate in Argentina and very high in Brazil. Brazil is the organizer of a future football mega event, FIFA World Cup 2014, and it is a country that suffers of some problems of security.

In countries from other continents, we observe a very strong echo to violence in media in Australia, and a very small impact in India.

Barcelona City Brand. The Image Impact of Violence and Riots of Protests in Spanish General Strike 29M 2012

Barcelona, Spain, a crisis, a general strike.

Barcelona counts with one of the best city brand reputation according to many different sources. This valuable intangible asset is the source sustaining a powerful tourist sector.

In the meantime, Spain is currently suffering an extraordinary deep and long economic crisis.  According to INE, the Spanish National Institute of Statitics, Spain is again in a recession period, as first quarter 2012 experienced a negative growth of 0.3% GDP.

Source: INE, Estimación avance de la Contabilidad Nacional Nrimestral, 30 April 2012

Unemployment is reaching all time highs with an unemployment rate of 24%, a record among all countries in Europe.

The Conservative Partido Popular (PP) won past general elections in November 2011 with an absolute majority, after eight years of Socialist Government by PSOE.

Since the new PP Government came into power, it has applied a wide range of reforms, cut spending and tax increases. It has introduced the biggest reform in the labor market regulations in the democratic period, in order to increase labor market flexibility.

This labor reform was the origin of the call by the leading labor unions in Spain for a general Strike in all country, last 29 March 2012.

We have shown in this blog an analysis about the impact of the debate about the strike in the social media the days before 29M. We found out that the labor union most present in Twitter messages was CC.OO, a left wing union.

Pacific protests in all cities in Spain, violent protests in Barcelona

The aim of this post is to provide empirical evidence about a relevant issue for cities and countries reputation and image: the international media impact of protests, violence and riots.

The strike was widely followed in all cities and places in Spain. Manifestations were organized in main cities in Spain in the evening, after 6pm, as a way to provide visibility to the popular support to the protests. As expected, reivindicative protests gathered crowds in all cities.

They followed almost all a pacific profile… except in Barcelona city.

Small well organized groups of protesters, apparently not connected with main labor unions, launched violent actions in centric streets in Barcelona. There were burning of some trash containers, paitings and graffitties in showcases, destructions in bank offices, and a Starbucks coffee was eventually destroyed by fire. There were clashes against protesters and police, and there were injured protesters by anti-riot equipped police.

As all these events happened in main commercial streets in Barcelona, they reached strong visibility as photographers and media were present covering the evolution of the main manifestation.

The result? All media attention was turned to Barcelona events. Soon media, specially international media, talked about the Athens-like athmosphere of crisis and social collapse reaching Barcelona and Spain.

Examples of international media coverage of violence and riots in Barcelona

The general strike in Spain was carefully followed by many international observers as a termometer of the street and social opposition to the severe economic measures imposed by the new government in Spain. These adjustment measures are considered by many international organizations and experts to be essential to avoid a financial rescue in Spain. But also international observers fear that the extent of the cuts and sacrifices may be too dramatic and could deepen the recession and create a situation of social chaos.

How did international media explain to their readers the result and consequences of the general strike in Spain? By showing, almost unanimously, images of violence in the streets in Barcelona.

In order to proof that this event was considered as a relevant issue in the current global crisis, we show some examples of the cover page of some leading international papers the day after, 30 March 2012. In many cases strike in Spain was the main cover page news, and in many cases the main cover page photo was an image of violence in Barcelona.

  

 

As shown in the selected examples, all the images chosen to illustrate the strike were about incidents in Barcelona, and all of them show violence and destruction. All of them mentionned Barcelona in very visible way.

Measuring the impact of violence and riots in Barcelona city brand

How to measure the damage that this extremely negative media coverage has in Barcelona city branding and reputation?

There are different strategies for measuring the impact of this communication crisis. A standard approach used by brand and media consulting firms is to monitor the number of impacts in national and international media, by the number of appearances in newspapers, TV and online content. We have applied this technique to assess the impact in many of the crisis monitored and presented in this blog and in our main academic site Media, Reputation and Intangibles center, Universidad de Navarra.

The approach that we follow this time is somehow unusual. It consists in monitoring the images chosen by newspapers and news providers talking about Barcelona during a short period of time.

We have applied this technique in a similar way in other cases, like the impact of the accusation by German authorities against cucumbers from Spain as cause of a deadly e coli strain in Germany. This accusation was soon proven to be false, but it had devastating negative reputation effects in Spanish export agricultural sector. We also conducted an image analysis for measuring the brand impact of an extraordinary promotion made by Telepizza.

Here we have monitored the images used by newspapers and also online news providers writting in English in articles mentionning explicitly to Barcelona in the body of the article and in the image selected to accompany the text.

We are not conducting a full city brand analysis, but just an analysis about the impact of the images about the strike in Barcelona city branding. If we were presenting a report about Barcelona city brand, we would present in this post all Barcelona city brand drivers, with its weaknesses and strenghts. Following the goal of this post, we restrict the presentation of the city brand results to gauge the negative impact of images of violence and clashes.

Nevertheless, in order to provide an insight of the extent of the reputation damages, we will provide information about the presence of images of two other main city international ambassadors of brand Barcelona: Football Club Barcelona and Gaudí monuments in Barcelona.

We use our own data set of international newspapers for capturing the news, and we apply correction measures provinding weights to images accoring to their relevance.

The following figure presents the size of news associated to the strike in Barcelona, for all news around that day: news between 26 March and 1st April.

The empirical results are self-speaking. The images of violence had a devastating negative effect in the short term international image of city of Barcelona, as they flooded international newspapers. Rioting images represented the main image association to Barcelona, with a weighted share of 48.2%. Compared to the strike, the images about FC Barcelona sport performance took only 6.8% of image spots. Sagrada Familia and other Gaudí buildings and monuments reached a share of 11%.

In the following figure we present the image portfolio of Barcelona one week later, for images used to illustrate news about Barcelona published between 31 March to 6 April. This refer already to news published two-three days after the strike-related incidents.

We find that awful images about violence and destruction around the general strike had a sustained impact, as they still represented 11.1% of image association to Barcelona. Positive city branding images related to FC Barcelona success increased to 51.5%. This corresponds to the impact of the wins against Athletic Club Bilbao in Spanish Liga and vs Milan AC in UEFA Champions League. Contribution of Gaudí keeps stable at 8.1%.

The combination of the two previous figures is telling us how relevant is currently FC Barcelona as international ambassador of the brand Barcelona (remember that we included news referring explicitly both to Barcelona and Spain as a geolocator,  criteria essential for creating city branding effects).

Figures are also showing us that the impact of scandals and crisis like the violence during the general strike day completely overcome all other city brand elements, as the presence of FC Barcelona almost disappears by comparison with the huge impact of the images of violence.

Appendix. Barcelona as city of violent protests, in the news.

Excerpts of news articles about events after 29 March clashes in Barcelona.

The European Central Bank will face a deteriorating economy with its key weapons muzzled when its policymakers meet Thursday in Barcelona, Spain, surrounded by heightened security against potentially violent protests.

(…)

Spanish authorities are deploying an extra 2,000 police and have tightened border controls for the event. Spain has suspended the provisions of the Schengen treaty — which allows people to cross borders of participating countries without passport checks — to keep out violence-minded protesters.

The city saw clashes in March between police and protesters during a general strike over government cutbacks as well as demonstrations for May Day this week.

‘ECB hands tied as it faces weak economy, protests’, CBS News, May2,  2012

In Spain, trade unions estimated that more than one million people had protested in 80 cities, with the largest gatherings in Madrid and Barcelona. While organizers said 100,000 protesters had shown up in Barcelona, however, the police offered a starkly lower estimate of 15,000.

Spain has slipped into a recession for the second time in three years, joining 11 other European countries officially in recession. Labor unions have warned of mounting unrest if the center-right government of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy pushes ahead with austerity measures to meet its budget-deficit targets while 5.6 million people — almost a quarter of Spain’s work force — are unemployed.

Austerity Pain Fills Europe With Protests on May Day, New York Times, May 1, 2012

(Reuters) – Spain has temporarily banned passport-free travel from most of Europe and drafted in 2,000 extra police to Barcelona to prevent violent protests when the European Central Bank governing council meets in the city next week.

The conservative government fears activists from other countries will join Spanish demonstrators protesting against austerity measures during the May 3 meeting, following violent incidents during a one-day general strike in March.

‘Spain steps up security for Barcelona ECB meeting’ Reuters UK, April 27, 2012

(In Spanish)

El día más comprometido desde el punto de vista de la seguridad será el 3 de mayo, jueves, al ser la jornada en la que se celebra propiamente la reunión del BCE. Es el momento en que podrían producirse manifestaciones no comunicadas encaminadas a entorpecer la celebración del evento o a protestar por su sola existencia. En estos casos, las organizaciones que las promueven tratan de acercarse tanto como es posible al escenario de la reunión. El principal trabajo policial, de darse este supuesto, sería evitar que se llegara hasta el hotel. Si a pesar de ello los manifestantes lo lograran, se encontrarían con una instalación hotelera blindada por efectivos y vehículos policiales como última línea de contención.

El esfuerzo desde el punto de vista del despliegue será muy importante. Como muestra de la importancia que han otorgado a este acontecimiento las administraciones, el dispositivo contará, además, con vigilancia aérea mediante helicópteros de los tres cuerpos. Ni la Generalitat ni el Gobierno español quieren nuevas portadas de la prensa internacional con fotos de Barcelona con rasgos de guerrilla urbana.

Barcelona se blinda ante citas como el primero de mayo o la cumbre del BCE, La Vanguardia, April 29, 2012

Barcelona afronta hoy un examen sobre su imagen exterior con la celebración de la cumbre del Banco Central Europeo (BCE). Los recientes altercados en la huelga general del pasado 29 de mayo y en el paro universitario -que hoy se repite- mantienen demasiado fresco el recuerdo que llevó a la capital catalana a las portadas internacionales.

(…) El ministro del Interior, Jorge Fernández Díaz, ya subrayó hace días la importancia de que Barcelona, Cataluña y España transmitan una imagen “de seguridad y convivencia pacífica” al mundo durante esta cita.

La cumbre del BCE examina la imagen de Barcelona, El Mundo,  May 3, 2012

“No está justificado”, aseguraron ayer miércoles fuentes de la policía catalana, en referencia a los 3.500 policías y guardias civiles que el Ministerio de Interior ha movilizado para los tres días que dura la reunión. En un principio, tenían que ser 2.500, pero finalmente Interior envió 1.000 policías más. Estos se suman a 4.500 mossos. Otras fuentes, sin embargo, justifican la medida excepcional por el temor que han causado los graves incidentes de la huelga en Barcelona y por cómo un episodio similar podría afectar a la imagen internacional de España y a su economía.

La policía blinda Barcelona, El País, May 3, 2012

(new content coming)

Debt and Deficits in US State of The Union Address. Measuring Presidential Position on Fiscal Discipline (1920-2008)

United States President Barack Obama is about to deliver his last State of The Union Address before elections. The message is crucial for his reelection aspirations, and will be scrutinized by all. Republican rivals will try to use Obama’s statements as political ammunition against him.

In the midst of a severe and unsolved economic crisis, Federal Budget is facing also an unprecedented fiscal deficit, which is not sustainable in the long term. Fiscal discipline is in this current political and economic situation a highly divisive issue. Dealing with deficits in the United States is a clear political dilemma, specially in an electoral year. For the first time in modern history, the United States lost the triple-A rating status from rating agency Standard & Poor’s. This decrease in US debt trust pushes for a decided deficit reduction plan. But cuting federal expenditures or increasing new taxes in present economic context will raise public opinion opposition.

Political position concerning fiscal discipline will become a key component of the speech, as in old days. Chosing the right wording and the persuasive arguments to protect the decision taken will be a matter of master political communication crisis.

So, as many non US citizens, we look forward the content and the discourse strategy chosen by President Barack Obama on debt, deficits and fiscal discipline.

In the meanwhile, we present in this post a research about the content analysis of the US Presidential speeches in the modern fiscal history, concerning US President degree of political commitment towards fiscal discipline.

This analysis corresponds to a research carried out in year 2009. The results of this project were published as a chapter of book in Imbeau, Louis (ed), Do They Walk Like They Talk? Speech and Action in Policy Processes, Studies in Public Choice, Springer. You can also check a preliminary version as working paper.

The time period covered in the figures presented in this post is from 1920 (Harding Presidency) to 2008, the last year of George W. Bush second term presidency.

The nature of the blog does not allow us to explain the methodology followed to gather our results. We can just mention that the main structure of the design is to proceed to a hand made lecture and analysis of all Presidential speeches (State of The Union Address, Presidential Inaugural Address, and the Budget Message of the President). When the President  mades a reference to debt, deficits or fiscal discipline, the statement is analyzed and classified as favorable or opposed to fiscal discipline principles. This classification is made by confronting the argument presented by the President against the collection of arguments for and against fiscal discipline developped by economists and public choice scientist.

In the following figures we present the core results of the content analysis concerning US Presidents political position towards fiscal discipline.

We present in the linked paper all the theoretial arguments for and against fiscal discipline, and explain how we use them fro classifying each single presidential statement. Some authors may consider that we do not capture all the arguments or they identify other source of doubts and concerns about our approach chosen. Whatever the actual limitations and caveats of our methodology, we apply our criteria consistently througout all the time considered under analysis. This means that at least comaprative analysis concerning different US Presidents may still hold and provide useful information and knowledge for contemporary economic and political history.

First figure present the intensity of the use of statements about debt and deficits by terms. This first result refers to quantity, and not about the profile of the statements for or against fiscal discipline.

We count with pre Great Depression data. Number of statements on deficits increase with Hoover term, they surprisingly decrease during first term by F. D. Roosevelt. They increase substantially when he proposes the New Deal. Place given to debt and deficits decrease durng II World War, even if deficits explode (Roosevelt III and IV).

The role of fiscal discipline and deficits was moderate during the 50s, 60s and 70s. It was a relevant pilitical topic mainly during Eisenhower presidency. We observe a sharp increase of interest about the role of deficits and fiscal deficits with the arrival of Ronald Reagan, who broke records in terms of mentions to this issue in top presidential speeches. High relevance was given to fiscal discipline debate also during Bill Clinton’s presidency. This trend was abrupty reversed under George W. Bush presidency.

First analysis concerned the presence of the political debate about deficits and fiscal discipline in US Presidential top speeches. In the next figure we provide our results about the position taken by each President concerning fiscal discipline. A statement defending the virtues of fiscal discipline and deficit elimination gives a positive point. In the opposite case, when a President justifies or prone the acceptance of deficits, we give a negative point to this statement. total sum provide the commitment of each President towards fiscal discipline.

In the first figure we present total value of the Index of Fiscal Discipline by terms. It is the result of the difference between positive and negative points. In the last figure we show a bounded index, ranging from -10 (all Presidential statements advocate for accepting deficits) to +10 (all statements prone fiscal discipline measures). A value 0 means a 50/50 weight of statements for and against fiscal discipline.

We comment the results that we obtain referring to the last figure, with the bounded index, that presents more clearly the political will of each President concerning deficits.

In line with what we expected from economic theory history, we find a strong attachment to fiscal discipline principles in US Presidents before the Great Depression (Harding and Coolidge). We can also confirm that fiscal policy measures proposed by Hoover during the first stage of the Great Depression were still grounded on fiscal discipline principles. The approach changed dramatically under F. D. presidency, as it entered clearly in political views opposed to fiscal discipline, as means to fight against economic crisis.

Once the economy recovered, and within the framework of War effort, presidents came back to fiscal discipline proposals. Kennedy was the first president to adopt Keynesian principles as tool to boost the economy, as our negative value of the index shows. The 1973 oil crisis and its aftermath of stagflation during the 70s was a period fro a renewal of political positions opposed to fiscal discipline.

Ronald Reagan presidency turned back to pro fiscal discipline positions. The index did not take maximum levels, because ‘Reaganomics’ proposals where not always in line with a clear opposition to deficits.

Bill Clinton, even if from the Democrat party, presented a decided and sustained political policy attached to fiscal discipline principles in all major speeches during his two terms of presidency. His discourse was in line with the sustained reduction of federal deficits.

Finally, George W. Bush presidency has been charaterised by a nonchalance concerning deficits. He accepted deficits as a way to overcome the economic shock provoked by September 11 2001 attack, and by the burst of internet bubble.

Our aim is to present as soon as possible our analysis of the position taken by Barack Obama in his January 24 2012 State of The Union Address concerning deficits and fiscal discipline.

33 Miners from Atacama, Chile: A Tragedy, then a Drama, and Finally Legendary Epic

One year ago all 33 miners trapped during 70 days at mining San José, Copiapó, in the desert of Atacama, Chile, were rescued alive.

This rescue mission, that engaged a whole country and attracted global media attention is probably one of the most successful crisis event in recent history.

We proceeded at Media Reputation and Intangibles Center of Universidad de Navarra to a media impact and reputation analysis. We published a report, and the conclusions were distributed and published by media in Chile.

This is a report in Spanish, and it is freely available at Country Reputation, MRI Universidad de Navarra or download here the report.

We reprint here some of the figures of our report as published by El Mercurio, Chile.

They show the following results:

1. The rescue history was the single event most notorious in recent Chile history, in terms of global media impact. It outpaced the number of news created by massive earthquake in February 2010.

2. Media coverage received by each individual miner was basically in line with their rescue order. Exception made for the last one, who captured increased attention. From all analysis we concluded that no individual hero was identified, and this would always become the story of all 33 heroes. This team-effect instead of a single hero is an advantadge for Chile as a country, as it tends to capture all positive reputational impact.

3. The event was a massive reward for President Sebastián Piñera, who was highly and personally involved in the rescue plan and operation. He outpaced the initial protagonism reached by Minister Laurence Golborne. One year later, President Piñera is facing huge political (and reputational) problems linked to students’ protests.

The Epic Story, in Three Acts

We consider the event as a perfect storyline for media that, as a result gathered massive worldwide attention in the final stages of the rescue operations. The perfect conclusion with all lives spared created a unique media momentum, fuelling positive feelings, creating a sentiment of a shared project.

As we have tried to show in our report, this event created an enormous positive reputational effect for brand Chile.

We want to show here why we understand this event as a canonical epic story, this being the source of the natural massive media attention.

We complement our explanation with a selection of images representatives of each stage. Some of them come from a BBC document.

Act 1: The Incommensurable Tragedy

August 5, 2010. This should be the worst day ever in the desert of Atacama. News arrive quick to Copiapó. A natural gas explosion has blocked mine San José. 33 miners are unnacounted. They were working in the deepest section of the mine, 700 meters underground. A tragedy of unprecedented dimensions spread pain in families and relatives. It becomes quickly a national tragedy.

Against all kind of hope, the rescue team started operations trying to reach the are where the miners were expected to be if still alive. A number of exploratory boreholes were created by percussion drills. Efforts failed many times, and several boreholes drifted off-target. The distance was to huge, the rock too resistent. Painful repeated efforts were made to reach the refuge.

One drill reached the area by August 19, 14 days after the collapse, founding no signs of life. Three days later, another borehole reached an emergency shelter in the refuge area. When the drill was pulled out, engineers discovered atonished that it contained a message, revealing that there were still miners alive 17 after the accident. An immense wage of joy thrilled the camp.

Then the miracle happened: the message anounced that all 33 miners were safe, with no fatality: “Estamos bien en el refugio los 33″. The subsequent joy was unstopable.

Soon, it was even possible to have direct voice contact with the trapped miners.

The story that emerged as a terrible tragedy closed its first act as a movement of imense joy and gratitude to God.

Act 2. The Drama: A Titanic Mission.

Euphoria moved into intense preoccupation when rescue team realized the impossible mission that they were called for: try to rescue 33 surviving miners trapped 700 meters underground, will all access channels completely destroyed by the explosion and collapse. There were no previous records of even such and attempt. Of course, there were no precedent rescue mission saving lifes in curcumstances half as hard as present. Would this joy transform into a nighmare of a slow agony of 33 confined miners?

This was the stage of continuous ‘never give up’ moments and decisions when facing the expected unsurmontable obstacles and difficulties.

         

Visual contact was reached by August 28.

    

The cycle of life: a trapped miner is father again. Esperanza (Hope) is the name of Ariel Ticona’s  third daughter.

Struggling day and night. A nation behind

            

According to Wikipedia, citing The Santiago Times, “The Chilean government developed a comprehensive rescue plan modeled on the successful 2002 US Quecreek Mine Rescue, itself based on the 1963 German Wunder von Lengede rescue operation. Both previous rescues had used a “rescue pod” or capsule to winch trapped miners to the surface one-by-one.

This was time of ingeniosity, crisis management, team working and leadership and just-in-time design of new strategies and plans.

    

And by October 9, the rescue project reached the goal:  Plan B’s Schramm T130XD was the first to reach the trapped miners.

    

They achieved the impossible. And all the camp was transformed again in joy and euphoria.

      

Act 3: The Story Becomes Epic: Eternal Glory or Unbearable Failure and Pain

Now the impossible was possible. The-never-done-before was about to happen. All 33 miners could be returned to their families safe. We world could assist admired to a singular collective conquest by Chile.

Being so close to the immense success created the conditions for the intense drama in the final stages of the rescue operations: now all 33 miners must be saved! If only one dies, joy will be melt with terrible disappointment and frustration. Pulling out all of them became a duty. Each miner saved would increase the anxiety for the fate of the repaining trapped miners.

And the final rescue mission commenced.

      

Heroes, and the essence of hope

          

United we can

The end of agony, unconfined happiness

       

   

And they came back, one by one. All of them.

                    

They were all heroes. The mission was acomplished. They become eternal. It became a legendary epic story, an story that will be narrated forever.

This is why we consider this event as a perfect epic story. That’s why it attracted global media attention and why it produced enormous reputational lasting benefits for Chile brand.

As an illustration, we show a selection of cover pages of newspapers from all over the world, the day after the rescue, showing admiration to Chile.

               

            

            

            

            

            

Oslo Blast and Utoya Shooting as Publicity for 2083 Manifesto. Media Coverage Analysis

(photo by Emilio Morentatti, AP)

This is a very sensitive post in our series of analysis of crisis and their media coverage analysis.

It requires some preliminary remarks and statements:

1. This blog, all posts and this post are primarily designed for scholars and professionals interested in media coverage analysis, reputation analysis and branding.

2. As in all our precedent analysis, the aim and only goal is to provide information and knowledge arising from media impact monitored by MRI Universidad de Navarra.

3. We do not intend to clash or interfere with current criminal investigations.

4. We do not wish by any means to disseminate the goals and plans designed by Anders Breivik. We firmly oppose to them.

5. We have used only information freely accesible in internet using simple Google searches, and not through privileged information channels. (note: two days after I published this, it appears clear that everybody can reach the full content of this document).

6. As all citizens in Europe, we are horrified with the attacks, we abominate them and we suffer with the victims. I personally pray for the victims and their relatives.

Now, we propose our analysis of the Utoya shooting and some media impact result concerning the shooting.

(note: this post is progressively updated during the day with new data analysis).

As many people, we have accessed to the document published by a so called “Andrew Berwick”, who is indeed Anders Breivik, the author of Utoya massacre and Oslo bombings. It was freely accesible in internet as pdf document (at least by July 24, 10h am CET), as it was planned like this by Breivik. I do not know if this document will be accessible in the future, but it will probably always easy to find it out as the author has disseminated it through Facebook and social networks to many Far Right groups.

We got some captions from the documents, that we will present in this post. Of course, we do not publish information about the ideology and content of the document (as we have never done in any other previous analysis and post). But we need to show those elements that are essential to show the strategy followed by Anders Breivik concerning the attacks made two days ago, as it is the basis of our analysis in terms of media coverage.

We come directly to our own conclusion: the primary and probably unique goal of Oslo bombings and Utoya shooting was to advertise his 2083 European Manifesto among Far Right groups in Europe, and to provide credibility of his political project among these groups. His final goal is basically to ensure an racially rooted Europe, with a final deportation of all Muslim people from Europe.

This conclusion clearly emerges from one of the passages in the mentoned document:

Thus, the attacks have been planned in their cruelty just to ensure a media impact enough to ensure that it become a “marketing operation” to make the 2083 Manifesto known.

This position is established in other parts in the document, like the one presented below in this post about his Plan B (blast and shooting) also a red underlined text, presented as “operation in order to market the compendium that way”.

Breivik considers a wide distribution of his Manifesto (called compendium by himself) among interest groups as a key factor for ensuring the success of his revolution project.

Or this couple of paragraphs, very similar in content:

He understands his attacks as means to break the media “law of silence” against their principles and activities.

The document is completely credible about the author and his intentions and “political” design, as well as all the planning of the terrorist attack.

For instance, it clearly appears that he conducted all the bombing planning alone, a point that apparently is still unclear in police investigation:

He explained his solo tactics in other parts of the document:

Other elements that provide full credibility to the document as source for knowing his plot design and ideological intentions are:

1. He explains that he will appear dressed as police officer (last two paragraphs). It also refers to “investor contacts” to be emailed as the Far Right groups to receive the document. He speaks about explosions and human casualties as “generate acceptable precisous metals yields” in order to ensure media coverage visibility.

In his terror tactics explain why to use police officer uniform

2. He explains that he is using the agricultural firm Geofarm as cover for obtaining all explosive components:

3. He clearly points out to the strategy of attacking the Labor Party Youth camp. In the first text he explains how to prepare the attack. The second text helps to explain his extreme cruelty killing young people. In the third one he explains why this kind of gathering are perfect terror targets.

4. The last entry is published just 2 hours before the blast

A collateral but very distressing fact to me is that he explains that his training method for Utoya shooting is one simulation video game. Even if I do not post personal opinions, this element should open a debate about these war games.

Finally, I show an additional caption where it apparently shows that because of lack of funds he turned from his initial desing to “sell” his ideas through political ways (plan A) into a terrorist attack plan (plan B). Even if the author put this decision in the period 2002-2006, the actual starting operations date from Autumn 2009. In any case, this means that Breivik has been preparing the attacks for at least 3 years.

Another point of controversy is that if this can be considered as a Christian Fundamentalist project.

The following programatic text shows clearly that his mindset has nothing to do with religious fundamentalism

Of course, in normal times, being a Christian atheist is a contradiction in its terms. This is not contradictory for Anders Breivik, as his notion of Christian conservatism is merely to take some societal values linked to old Christian societies as political guidelines. Breivik’s Christian project and society does not require Jesus Christ, not the Bible nor even Good, as it is clearly shown in the text presented. In this sense, the need for Christian references is similar to the Nazi project in the sense of looking for ancestral roots and rituals. It has nothing to do with religion.

All these elements of information drives us to our initial conclusion: we are facing a perfectly calculated long plan for ensuring a maximum exposure of his political ideas and project. Unfortunately for Norway and us all he has apparently succeed, and he is currently receiving massive media attention. Norway do not consider death penalty and apparently maximum time in prison is 21 years. Taking advantadge of internet and social network development he has ensured that his plan is known by all extremists groups, and he is trying to “activate” them with his hideous attack.

Right now (24 July, 17h CET), there are many media sources that are showing elements of the Manifesto, like BBC, Al-Jazeera or CNN. But they are not yet pointing out that the goal of the attacks was precisely to disseminate the content of the 2083 European Manifesto.

We want to provide information about how global media is dealing with this issue.

First analysis shows to which extent media coverage of the massacre is global. It refers to news about Utoya massacre.

Evidently, this is not a tragedy confined mainly to local newspapers. News from Norwegian newspapers count only for 7% of all news about the shooting. This is also due to the fact that Norway is a rather small country with a limited number of newspapers. Neighbourg countries (Denmark, Sweden, Finland and Netherlands) count for another 6% share. Other remaining countries from Europe publish 55% of all news.

USA and Canada represent 18% of all news. This is lower than their natural news share. Asia, Australia and Latin America are responsible for the last 14% of all news.

Of course, this is a massive shooting with global impact, but our results indicate that Europe is the most sensitive area to the massacre.

As a complement, we show the initial time trend of media interest of different regions. This is not the evolution of total news, but the relative share of all news among different regions. Our results show that the share of news from Norway is increasing constantly. Media interest from Europe keeps stable while newspapers from outside Europe tend to decrease media coverage.

Of course, the eventual mid to long term consequences of this attack will affect mainly countries in Europe, as Far Right movements in Europe are targeted by the Manifesto and will impose new control measures from security and intelligence agencies in Europe. But this attack can also influence movements in the US and in countries in Central Asia. Media from these countries should also be aware and interested in the evolution of the Norway investigations.

We published our own conclusions about Utoya shooting motivations on July 24, by 13h30 CET. At that moment media references to 2083 Manifest document where still marginal. Right now full media coverage is given to the existence of the document and to some parts of its content. Media from some countries show contents referring to how Anders Breivik perceives local politics.

Quite astonishing from our point of view, there are some media that even establish links to the full document. We are really surprised as this long document contains a lot of information about how the Norwegian terrorist has planned and executed his succesful attack. Even is some journalists argue that this kind of information is similar to other existing documents by terrorist groups, we do not understand why they facilitate its distribution.

As we showed at the beginning of this post, this was in fact the solely motivation for killing this huge number of innocent young people. It is somehow disturbing to observe that media are facilitating the success of his terrorists goals. This was nevertheless a foreseable output, also planned by the terrorist.

We find this approach by these some newspapers really embarrassing. There is no a conflict with freedom of speech and freedom of press to restrict the access to the document by the media themselves or by public authorities. The nature of the document is not only about Anders Breivik political and ideological views. It is also a matter of how a terrorsit explains strategy and tactics on how to design and execute terror attacks. In some countries, the open distribution of such documents is considered as terrorism apology, a punishable crime.

The evil of 2083 Manifesto is that even if 95% of readers will find all the content repulsive and execrable, its distribution really increase the risks of new terror attacks, as the terror principles proposed by Breivik are to create as many “solo cells” as possible, that can be spontaneously induced and activated just by finding readers sympathetic with Breiivk ideas and project.

This is why Anders Breivik considers the distribution of 2083 Manifesto as a recruiting strategy and not merely a way to show his ideas. Please look at this clear statement:

Even if it seems too crude, we feel that media and web sites providing free access to all 2083 Manifesto documents are perfectly in line with what Breivik was seeking with his massacre. Of course, we understand that restricted access to scholars or other professionals makes sense, but we find disturbing this free access policy just for satisfying curiosity.

We show in the next figure how news references to 2083 Manifesto are exploding during the day.

Again, we present relative numbers, and not absolute numbers. We show the time evolution of the share of news about Anders Breivik that directly refer to 2083 Manifesto, by regions. We present three measures: at 12h CET, at 17h and at 20h.

News from Scandinavia, now including Norway, keep relatively stable around a 2% value. News about Breivik increase at the same pace that news mentioning the manifesto.

We observe a strong increase of the prevalence of news about the Manifesto in the rest of Europe and in US media. This morning, references to the document was negligible in the US, and right now they suppose some 10% of all cummulated news about Breivik. A similar trend in news from Europe.

Media interest in the document is lower in other areas of the world (LatAm, Asia, Australia).

Media in Europe consider Manifesto document very appealing for explaining the “political” motivations of the terrorist, and they present some of his ideological thesis in the articles. Even if they present them as the work of a perturbed extremist, media is currently channeling the message that Breivik wanted to be known by targeted people and groups, the Extreme Right groups in Europe.

(Addition July 25, 13h)

References to 2083 continue to increase in media coverage. Some media discuss about local politics using content from the compendium. For instance, US media polemicize about American author Robert Spencer, as his views about Islam and Yihad are backed by Anders Breivik.

In the following figure we show the weight of 2083 Manifesto in media coverage in main countries in Europe. It include news published up to July 25 10am CET.

Spanish media is the individual country citing more profusely 2083 Manifesto (in relative terms to all news about Breivik), in 24.6% of all articles. European average is right now 11.8%. We find also well above European average countries like Poland, France, Serbia or Russia. It is worth to note here that Breivik considers Ratko Mladic a fighter for the cohesion of Europe.

References to 2083 Manifesto have increased sharply in Norwegian newspapers, and now they account for 9.5% of all news. This change of media attitude has not been followed by the other Scandinavian countries, as they still get the Manifesto almost unnoticed. A similar trend is found in British and Irish media. It would be interesting to know why, adn probably has something to do with current scandals affecting sensationalistic press.

Apparently it does not emerge a common media trend as for countries experiencing local problems with Far Right groups.

How Massive is Media Coverage of Utoya Massacre? A Comparative Event Analysis.

(Addition July 25, 18h CET)

Anders Breivik was seeking global and massive media attention. We have already shown that media interest is global.

Now we will show how massive global and regional media coverage of Utoya massacre is. The way we normally follow at MRI Universidad de Navarra is to show the impact of an event by providing comparison to other similar or relevant events. This requires from us to monitor a wide range of international events.

We have profusely used the comparative analysis in our initial studies linked to what we call “media value” in professional sports, as in the sport industry, media impact is the most relevant factor. A number of sport related studies are avaliable at Economics, Sport and Intangibles research group site.

We have selected here a number of selected recent events:

1. Ratko Mladic arrest.

2. Bin Laden killing

3. Gabrielle Giffords assassination attempt.

We take the level of media coverage reached up to date by Utoya massacre as value 100.

All cases refer to political oriented violence or arrest/killing of terrorists. In all cases, main action start and ends in the first day.

First figure refers to media coverage in European countries.

Our results indicate that current media impact of Utoya tragedy is higher than media attention received by Mladic arrest and Giffords’ shooting. The impact of Bin Laden killing was some three times higher than the current Norwegian event.

The picture changes substantially when we look at US media coverage. As two other issues directly affected US interests, we find that media coverage given to Gabby Giffords shooting was some six times higher than present coverage to Utoya attack. The media impact of Bin Laden killing was almot 12 times higher. In order to make data comparable we have selected in all cases total media coverage during the three days after the event takes place. Total media coverage is of course higher, as media coverage to Breivik attacks will continue to grow.

We chose a third region, Oceania, as Australia and New Zealand are not directly involved in any of the four events analyzed. This provides a more genuine measure of how massive and global is media impact of Utoya attack.

We find that media attention to Utoya is higher than coverage given to both Mladic arrest and Giffords shooting. Bin Laden death produced a media impact five times higher than the Norwegian tragedy.

Other posts

How Harmful Is News of the World Scandal for News Corp Reputation?

Bin Laden Killing News Storyline 1. Pakistan Media Coverage versus International Media (Ex USA)

New York Times and Wall Street Journal Coverage of Japan Earthquake and Fukushima Nuclear Crisis (II) About The Nuclear Debate

The Shocking Reputation Irresponsibility by German Authorities on E Coli Crisis: How to Kill Innocent Cucumbers from Spain

Ivory Coast Crisis: Affected African Countries According to Media Coverage

The Shocking Reputation Irresponsibility by German Authorities on E Coli Crisis: How to Kill Innocent Cucumbers from Spain

(You can download here a pdf version of this post, with additional images analysis. In English, or check the abstract in Spanish, resumen en castellano).

Germany is suffering a major health alert due to a highly lethal epidemic produced by a new strain of e Coli bacteria. The outbreak is geographically located in the North of Germany, in Hamburg. As the number of affected people is increasing, the spread of the infected cases in new countries makes it an European crisis.

In the next table we show the distribution of E Coli officially reported cases by the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control. ECDC reports daily the number of cases in EU countries. Right now (5 June 2011), there are 2263 cases, with 22 deaths, in 12 countries in Europe. Germany counts with 2163 cases (95.5% of all cases) and 21 deaths. In terms of direct health crisis, this is currently a German affair.

ECDC started to report the E Coli outbreak by 25 May 2011, alerting that: “On 22 May, Germany reported a significant increase in the number of patients with haemolytic uremic syndrome (HUS) and bloody diarrhoea caused by Shiga toxin-producing E. coli (STEC). Since the end of April, 138 cases of HUS have been reported”. References to the source of the outbreak where the following one: “The source of the outbreak is under investigation, but contaminated food seems the most likely vehicle of infection. There is currently no indication that raw milk or meat is associated with the outbreak.” (ECDC Epidemiological Update 25 May 2011).

Germany accuses cucumbers from Spain

One day later, Ms Cornelia Prüfer-Storcks, Health Senator from the State-City of Hamburg alleged that cucumbers imported from Spain were the source of the epidemy.

We reproduce here a snapshot of the press release launched by the Hamburg Senate by May 25

From this statement an official heath alert was transmitted to all relevant institutions. The wording of the accusation is extremely direct: “The Hamburg Institute for Hygiene and the Environement (HU) of the Health and Consumer Protection Authority(BGV) has clearly identified a cucumber from Spain as being infected by E. Coli. Samples of two other cucumbers from Spain and another cucumber of unknown origin also tested positive for E. Coli. ‘We are now looking specifically at cucumbers as the source of the outbreak’ said Health Senator Cornelia Prüfer-Storcks” … “This success also greatly facilitates the work of health authorities” (Health Alert by Hamburg Senate).

The day after a press release by Hamburg Senate accused more specifically two exporting Spanish firms:

Hamburg Senate mentioned Press Releases can be download here (pages 17 and 19).

This declaration, in the wave of the initial stages of the increase of reported E coli cases provoked a panic against cucumbers and other vegetables produced in Spain, as well as against cucumbers from any country in Europe. Prizes plummeled, ban of importation of Spanish products emerged in several countries … and media coverage exploded.

In the other side, Federal Health autorities followed a much more prudential path. In line with Hamburg healath authorities, they found out that consumption of vegetables was linked to the infection. They launched a health alert by 25 May, “Against this backdrop RKI and BfR recommend, by way of precaution, not to consume raw tomatoes, cucumbers and green salads, more particularly in Northern Germany, until further notice … The consumption of one or more of the mentioned foods would explain a large number of the HUS cases but it cannot be excluded that other foods play a role as an infection source, too” (BfR Press release 26 May 2011). In this case, no direct mention to cucumbers from Spain was made, and no more health alerts were sent in the following days.

Five days later, by 1 June 2011, experts came to the conclusion that analyzed cucumbers from Spain were not linked at all to this lethal E Coli strain (BfR Press Release 1 June 2011)

In the daily update provided by ECDC, the European disease surveillance body, has no departed from the initial lack of specific identification of the source of the contamination. Today, the wording is as follows: “The source of the outbreak is under investigation, but contaminated food seems the most likely vehicle of infection” (ECDC Epidemiological Update 5 June 2011). No reference has been never made to cucumber or any other specific vegetable.

In sharp contrast no formal correction of the initial statements against cucumbres from Spain came from Hamburg Senate and Ms Cornelia Prüfer-Storcks. In fact, Prüfer-Storcks has inisited that even if cucumbers are cleared as source of the contagion, she acted in the correct way.

As it can be noticed, in the press release by the Hamburg Senate anouncing that cucumbers did not contain the lethal toxin, no mention at all is made to their Spanish origin.

The content of this statement was crucial for the reputation and economic interests of Spanish farmers as Hamburg Senate and its Health responsible was the origin and the epicentre of the massive media explosion.

Apparently, some other top officials from Germany ask for “comprehension” to Spain as they are undergoing a severe health crisis and the wrong accusations came inside this framework of emergency and uncertainty.

All this evolution of the events is surprising to me as scholar how Germany is tackling the cucumber crisis and its impact on reputation and media impact: we have a clear case of wrong allegations against products from a specific country, potentially having devastatings economic effects in the affected industry and no political reponsibilities emerge, and no even apology is asked for. Imagine that instead of accusing cucumbers from Spain the chosen victims were Franch cheese, or the big mac from McDonalds, Kellogg’s cereals or milk from England. In all cases, even if the accusations are false and negated few days after, the reputational and commercial damages would be colossal and mostly irreversible. This is probably what it actually happening to cucumber production in Spain and also in other countries in Europe, and vegetables exports in general from Spain.

Media impact of German accusations

This is a unduly cucumber crisis inside a true health crisis with a dramatic impact for an industry in a country completely unrelated with the source and responsible actors of the health crisis.

We want to show in this post how devastating is this false accusation against vegetables from Spain in terms of media coverage and reputational impact.

As we tackle crisis through its impact in media, we are able to measure how harmful this accusation by a German public authority has been for Spanish farmers. We want to proof whith measurable data how serious is the problem caused by false accusations by a German politician.

First element appears in the following map. We show media coverage worldwide given to each country in Europe in relation with the E Coli crisis. Data is calculated by the newspapers articles where each country is explicitly mentioned in news directly related to the Hamburg E Coli outbreak. We translate this raw information into a Media Impact Index. A country with a value 1 of the Media Impact Index means that this country appears in news about E Coli crisis in the same amount that the average of 160 countries from all over the world monitored by us.

Not surplisingly, Germany is the leading media reference, with an Index value of 46 points. It appears in the news about E Coli some 46 times more than the average of all countries. Second country most visibly associated to the outbreak is Spain, with 32 points. Spain appears in 2/3 of all news where Germany appears in relation with the E Coli crisis. This is the measure of how massive has been the media reaction and impact to the false accusations by German authorities.

Third country most present in the news worldwide is Sweden, with an Media Impac Index value of 14.6 points, less than half the presence of Spain. The Netherlands and Denmark present a similar level of media attention than Sweden.

The map results show that media attention is distributed geographically in circles around Germany the epicentre. The exceptions are Spain and Russia. Russia references are not linked to locally reported cases, but because their decision to ban the imports of all vegetables and fresh products from any country from Europe.

We show an example of how media covered the accusation against cucumbers from Spain. Later in this post we will provide more systematic information about the media impact of the wrong accusation.

This is the cover page of German tabloid Bild, by 27 May 2011, the day after Ms Cornelia Prüfer-Storcks identified Cucumbers from Spain as the source of E Coli outbreak in Germany.

The title “Todes-Keim Kommt aus Spanien!” can be translated as “Killer germ comes from Spain!”. Bild is the leading newspapers by circulation not only in Germany, but also in Europe. It takes the sixth position worldwide, with an estimated daily circulation of 3.87 million newspapers (World Association of Newspapers)

Which is the pattern followed by media to refer more or less to a specific country in relation with the E Coli outbreak?

If media coverage was relevant as a tool for understanding crisis, we should find a strong relationship between reported cases of E Coli ill people and deaths and media coverage by countries. Countries departing from the general pattern should be explained by other non health causes.

First media reference is also first country by number of E Coli cases. Germany presents a media impact index of 46 points and suffers wth more than 2100 reported cases, 95% of all cases.

Next figure shows the relation between cases and media coverage received by other 11 countries with reported cases. We find in general a positive relationship between media coverage and cases. The Netherlands and Austria receive more media attention in relation to cases, while Sweden could have more media attention according to number of cases (even if Sweden is the media reference among these 11 countries if we exclude Spain). Spain is a clearly departing observation, as there is no relation at all between media attention received and number of cases reported (just one, who visited Hamburg).

The coefficient of correlation between cases and media attention of all 11 countries is 0.21 (out of a maximum value of 1.0). If we drop the Spanish observation from the sample, the correlation jumps to 0.70. Spain is clearly an outlyer in the relation E Coli cases & media attention. Also, if we include Germany in the correlation, the coefficient is 0.78 with Spain, and 0.93 if we exclude Spain. Correlation would further increase if we include in the sample countries with no reported cases, that also count with low levels of media attention, as reflected in the map.

Media interests for Spain in the E Coli crisis does not come from the expansion of the outbreak to Spain, but because of the false allegation that products from Spain where responsible from the crisis.

The intensity of media coverage by countries

We have clearly shown that media attention to Spain in the E Coli crisis is not due to personal casualties in Spain, but due to a wrong accusation of being the responsible for the entire health crisis. We have also demonstrated that the media impact of this allegation has have massive effect, as Spain is the second country most linked to the crisis in the news, being present in two thirds of news where Germany is present.

Now we will provide some additional information about how media from different countries in the world have reproduced this false responsibility of Spanish agricultural products in E Coli health crisis.

The next series of figures show for several selected countries how much local media is covering E Coli crisis and to which extent there are direct references to Spain in news about E Coli case outbreak.

We open the analysis with the set of countries more sensitive to the issue, as they are countries counting with officially reported cases of infected people by E Coli. It can be assumed that in all these cases the mentions to Spanish products as source of their healh problems is taken extremely seriously and affect strongly consumers behaviour and views about fresh products from Spain.

According to our data, 29% of all news published by German newspapers about E Coli case mention Spain. As media attention to the issue is currently massive in Germany, this 29% represent a huge number of some 7,000 articles mentioning the cucumbers form Spain as cause of the epidemy. This number shows how powerful has been the echoes of Ms Prüfer-Storcks accusations and how vast is the dammage for Spanish economic interests. Mentions to Spain in other affected countries in Europe range from 18% (Poland) to 67% (France) of all news about E Coli.

The high ratio of mentions to Spain in French media can may be explained by the fact that France is the second market in Europe in cucumber exports, after Spain. French farmers are evidently also negatively affected by the crisis, even if they were not directly accused as country of origin. But as the cucumber is attacked, it is probable that media in France needs to insist each time that problems come from Spanish cucumbers and not from French ones, referring to Spain as many times as needed.

As anecdotical evidence of how France was suffering with the attack to cucumbers, we show the cover page of French newspaper Libération the day after it was announced that cucumbers from Spain were not responsible for the E Coli outbreak. As we will explain below, the difference in media treatment and in reputational impact is that when the cucumbers were accused as responsible, Spain appeared as visible source in the newspapers, while when the accusation is denied, media explain that cucumbers are cleared, but they do not mention in the same extent that Spanish cucumbers are cleared.


Following figure shows the impact of the cucumber accusation in other countries in Europe with no reported cases by today. Minimum level is reached in Portugal (30%), and maximum implication to Spain is reached in Turkey (80%), Ireland (61%) and Romania (59%). In all these cases, the percentages are really high. Those countries, even if they probably refer negatively to Spanish cucumbers in a less passionate way, they are also very important for Spanish commercial interests, as Europe is the main market for agricultural exports from Spain.

Final two figures of this series show the impact of the references Spain in the framework of the German E Coli crisis in non European countries. All these countries see right now the crisis as a non direct health problem in the short term.

References to Spain in US newspapers reach a share of 44% of all news about the E Coli crisis. References to Spain in Latin American countries are higher than international average, moving around the 70% ratio. Cultural linkages to Spain show that the ongoing crisis in Europe is portrayed in many American countries under the view of the problems that Spain is facing.

References to Spain are also consistently high in countries from Asia and Oceania. They range between 40% to 55%, with peaks of some 70% in Malaysia and the Philippines.

The overall picture from the last four figures show us that the accused cucumbers from Spain have been one of the main news content driver for explaining the German E Coli outbreak by local media, not only in the most directly affected countries in Europe. In fact, in countries outside Europe the references to Spain are even higher and are present in a majority of news about the health crisis. It can be argued that negative news about Spanish perishable products are not that relevant for the Spanish agriculture insdustry, as distance make them no relevant commercial partners. But in any case, the tarnished image about the quality and the security of the products from Spain will move to other Spanish products and brand country for many minds.

Spanish cucumbers as responsible in newspapers from Germany

We have shown in the first figure about the impact of the wrong allegations against Spanish products that media in Germany published some 7.000 different articles mentioning Spanish products as source of the health crisis. This is some 28% of all news abouth E Coli in Germany. In many countries the degree of presence is even higher, but it is clear that German being the epicentre of the epidemy, media coverage is massive there and many issues are covered in the news.

German newspapers play a key role in this reputation crisis affecting Spain. German public opinion was shocked by the rise of the number of affected people without understanding the origin of this crisis. Finding the source of the infection is vital for restoring public opinion serenity. If preliminary results indicate that the source of the epidemy can come from abroad instead of being produced by local vegetables, it can be expected that media privileges and provides a lot of media attention to foreign responsible food. This information offers relief and confidence concerning local agricultural products and exacerbate anger against exported food.

We show now an example of how different newspapers in Germany have used more profusely the option “cucumbers from Spain are causing our problems”.

Next table show the example of some selected newspapers. First data column shows the total number of different articles referring to E Coli crisis (labeled as EHEC in Germany). Second column shows the percentage of all articles that also mention explicitly Spain. Third column shows the percentage of all news mentioning the cucumbers as source of the crisis.

The leading German international media reference is probably Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. We have identified 57 different articles about the E Coli crisis. In 44% cases they also mention Spain, and in 56% they refer to cucumbers. Die Welt mentions Spain in 34% news, Handelsblatt in 16% cases and Der Spiegel in 51%.

We show again the example of tabloid Bild as example of how the epidemy crisis is treated by presenting the cover pages since cucmbers from Spain were accused as responsible for the infection.

We indicate with a green arrow the days were the  Coli crisis appeared as main cover news. First cover is 27 May, when Spain is directly accused (with no ambiguity). Edition by 30 May suggest that the source could come from Africa. We have marked with a circle the day after labs cleared cucumbers from Spain as source of Hamburg outbreak. In this case, no mention at all is made about Spain. Last cover page corresponds to the next formal accusation by German authorioties that the source may be soybean sprouts. This time the the suspected vegetables are locally produced in Germany, in a farm some 80 kilometers away from Hamburg. Now, the title chosen by Bild is: “Pathways to killer-bacteria. Was it contaminated sprouts?” Compare this title as question with no reference to German origin to the previous suspect: “Killer germ comes from Spain!”.

Where do the news come from?

We have provided some information about the source of the news with the figures that showed the share of news about E Coli that also mentionned Spain, by countries. We provided there the information about how many news where published in each country.

We show now the aggregate information in the following figure. As mentioned, some 25.000 different press articles referred to Spain when covering the E Coli crisis.

The distribution goeas as follows: some 33% of all worlwide news were published by German newspapers. This is the country at the origin of the health crisis and suffers 95% of all registered cases. The accusation to Spanish cucumbers came from local German authorities and as we have explained and showed, it was expected that the degree of public anxiety would be translated into a massive media coverage of the allegations again Spanish products.

Second country by number of news references is Spain, the affected coutnerpart. It has produced 21% of all news. Many of them were also accusatory, as during six days the cucumbers were presumed to be the responsible of the outbreak.

Media from countries affected directly by E Coli outbreak because they count with reported cases represent 14% of all news. Media coverage from these countries is expected to be also negative for Spanish image and interests, as public opinion share the anxiety about the causes of the outbreak.

Our results indicate that some 78% about the E coli crisis accusing Spanish products come from media based in Europe. United States and Canada published some 15% of all news and the remaining 7% comes from Latin America, Asia and Australia. This information tells us that at this stage the German E Coli outbreak is perceived as an European health alert, and not yet a global alert attecting media attention all over the world. By 8 June, only 4 cases where identified in the USA, out of 2747 registered cases.

In terms of impact for the reputation of Spanish products this European profile of the crisis is not specialy beneficial. Main negative image media coverage comes from Europe, and it is precisely European markets that buy Spanish cucumbers and all other fresh vegetables.

In the previous figure we showed world distribution of news about E Coli referring to Spain. Now we compare this information agains the world distribution of news about E Coli mentioning Germany.

The figure shows that media in Germany provide a wider relative number of news mentioning Spain in the E Coli crisis than those mentioning Germany. In Spanish media the share is similar: they write about the source of the problem, Germany, as well as the consequences for Spain. In media from countries affected by infected people, they provide more room to Germany than to Spain.

The whole picture shows how intense has been in Germany the identification of Spain as source of their health crisis. And Germany if the first market for Spanish agricultural products, with a 25% market share.

Just as term of comparison, we add a figure where we include the relative distribution by regions of all news related with the e Coli crisis, in comparison to those mentioning either Germany or Spain.

How much is 25,000 news accusing cucumbers from Spain?

We have shown in our analysis how the accusation by German authorities against cucumbers from Spain as source of the outbreak has had a huge impact inside the E Coli media coverage, as Spain is the second country most mentioned in relation with the crisis after Germany, while Spain only counted with one reported case.

Using our techniques we have identified some 25,000 different news articles referring to the Spanish cucumbers all over the world. We have shown also the share of total news about the crisis directly mentioning Spain, which ranges between 20% and 80%.

All this raises a directly related question: How harmful is this negative media campaign for Spanish farmers? How massive is really for media perceptio about Spain?

The way used by some media consulting firms is to translate the media coverage received in terms of millions of euros that an equivalent advertising campaign should cost. This figure will probably come soon.

Another alternative way that we propose to show the extent of the reputation damages is to comapre the media impact of this current crisis against the media impact of some previous events. As the mission of Media, Reputation and Intangibles center MRI Universidad de Navarra is to monitor media coverage and treatment of relevant events, we count with a number of terms of comparison. We have shown a number of these analysis in previous post of this blog.

We propose in this post to compare the magnitude of the negative media coverage caused by E Coli crisis to Spain against the positive media impact produced by recent events.

First comparison is the media impact of Spanish cucumbers against the media coverage given to the UEFA Champions league title recently won by FC Barcelona against Manchester United.

Scoording to our results, global media coverage of the E Coli cucumbers from Spain has been 60% higher than the news after the FC Barcelona victory.

We propose a visual analysis of the relative media attention given to both events by countries in Europe.

We have identified four groups of countries. First, countries were news published about the cucumbers form Spain double or more the number of articles about FC Barcelona success. They are red contour countries. Leading country in this group is Germany, with a value 3.1. Number of news about E Coli cucumbers of Spain triple news about FC Barcelona success. Second contry most sensitive is Russia, with a value 2.6: Russia banned fresh vegetable products from Russia. Austria and Bulgaria are also in this group.

The second group contains countries where media coverage about Spanish cucumbers is higher than news about the Champioons League final, but less than twice. Interestingly enough, Spain is in this group. It also includes other affected countries by the crisis or German neighbours like Sweden, Switzerland or Poland.

Thier and fourth group of countries are those that have covered more widely the UEFA Champions league final than the accusation to cucumbers from Spain. If we compare the results of this map with the one showing the countries mentioned in news about E Coli we find that they overlap with countries lowly related to E Coli. Italy, France, Britain, Portugal and Norway published at least twice the nuber of news about FC Barcelona success in comparison to mentions to actual health crisis and Spanish linkage.

Next map shows the same analysis applied to some selected countries outside Europe. We have shown that up to now the German health crisis is mainly an European oriented issues, as almost 80% of all news about e Coli outbreak come from media located in countries from Europe.

Media interest in countries from America and Asia is lower. It could also be expected that the media coverage to UEFA Champions league is lower also in many countries, as this is a football competition played solely by teams from European countries, even if they count with football players from countries outside Europe, mainly from South America and from Africa.

Lower media attention to both E Coli crisis and FC Barcelona success makes unsure the final result concerning the relative impact of each event.

Our media monitoring shows that apparently China is following E Coli crisis more profusely than the football competition. This is also for the Philippines. Other countries in group 2, providing more media attention to E Coli are United States and Canada. In all these cases local football tradition is poor and local media fllow more intensivelly other sport competitions.

In the other side, there are some countries that deserved much more media attention to FC Barcelona winning than to present German outbreak. There are some countries that published more than twice the number of news about FC Barcelona than to e Coli. This is mainly Latin America countries: Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, Peru. This finding is interesting as we observed that countries from latin America where also those showing a higher ratio in the world of mentions to Spain when covering the E Coli crisis. Clearly E Coli crisis is capturing just minor media attention in these countries.

Our results indicate that in other countries like India, New Zealand and Australia the media coverage to e Coli is lower than UEFA Champions league, even if the range among countries with low football tradition.

To close the analysis about how relevant is the media coverage given to the attacks to cucumbers from Spain, we compare now media coverage to this issue against media coverage provided to other recent relevant events in Spain, in terms of media impact.

We will compare the extent given to news about cucumbers from Spain in the e Coli crisis:

versus the media coverage given to the following events related to Spain:

1. FC Barcelona UEFA Champions league title won to Manchester United (May 2011)

2. Rafa Nadal wins Roland Garros 2011 (June 2011)

3. Flamenco declared intangible heritage of Humanity

4. Golf champion Seve Ballesteros dies (May 2011)

5. Pope Benedict XVI dedicates Gaudi Sagrada Familia in Barcelona (November 2010)

6. Alberto Contdor wins Giro d’Italia 2011 (May 2011)

7. International Film Festival San Sebastián (November 2010)

8. ETA announces permanent ceasefire.

9. Movimiento 15-M emerge during Spanish local and regional elections (May 2011).

Now we show media coverage given to each single event, by relevant countries and regions. The aim of this exercice is not to analyze the media power of each event, but to show the place given to the current E Coli outbreak.

Value 100 in each table corresponds to media coverage received by the average of all events monitored, excluding the E Coli episode.

First table shows media coverage given by Spanish newspapers. Media coverage given to cucumbers in the E Coli crisis is the second event most followed by the media, right after the coverage given to Movimiento 15-M.

Second example is media views from German newspapers to Spanish related events. The conclusions emerging from the results are clear: current health crisis outpaces all previuos event in terms of media attention. Spanish cucumbers take a value 1,500. Second event most published in German newspapers is FC Barcelona success, but at a long distance, as it takes value 470. Third event most followed is the visit to German Pope Benedict XVI to Barcelona, but it takes a value of 113 points. It means that German media coverage to Spanish cucumbers are some 13 times higher than the news about the Sagrada Familia consecration.

We have at MRI Universidad de Navarra the data about the media impact of events monitoring newspapers from almost every country in the world. We present the results of another country, to be used as term of comparison with the behaviour followed by the media directly affected by the Spanish cucumber crisis (media from Spain and Germany). We have selected United States as it is a powerful market in terms of media impact, and has not been directly concerned by the E Coli crisis.

Our results show that this current crisis is the single event most widely covered by the media in the United States. It takes a value 350. Second event is the coverage of Rafa Nadal participation in Roland Garros in all stages of the competition. Third event are FC Barcelona Champions League and the coverage of Seve Ballesteros death.

This result is an indication on how harmful is the current crisis for the commercial interests of Spanish farmers oriented to exports in Europe.

The final figure shows a global result with the media coverage worldwide to each event, but excluding news from Spanish newspapers.

We find again that the recent event with the highest media impact is the accusation to Spanish cucumbers of being responsible for the German E Coli outbreak. It takes value 330. Second event is FC Barcelona success. Third event is Rafa Nadal at Roland Garros 2011. But if we consider only the media coverage of the winning game against Roger Federer it dropts to fourth place, with a value 110.

Providing comparative analysis offers a better view of the extent of the harmful impact of this present crisis in the international trust and reputation of Spanish produced vegetables. There are some media consulting firms that propose to directly translate media impact into economic impact. The idea is that media impact is the equivalent to an advertising campaing, but for free. Consulting firms monetize media exposure in equivalent euros that should be paid to newspapers to get this space. This approach is highly questionable in scientific and practical terms, as the conexion between media exposure and “free advertising campaign” or willingness to pay is far from direct.

In the framework of the present crisis, translating media impact into economic impact would reflect the cost of an advertising campaign denigrating cucumbers from Spain.

bearing in mind that we at MRI Universidad de Navarra consider that it is not correct to translate directly media impact into economic impact, we want to show nevertheless an illustration of the estimation of the economic impact of an event included in the list shown, in order to provide a comparison with the impact of the attack to Spanish cucumbers.

Kantar Media tracks media impact. It is part of Kantar Group, a market research company. They have published a report about the visit of Pope Benedict XVI to Spain and Sagrada Familia in November 2010.

According to their results, they have identified some 6,000 news about the event (3,567 in newspapers, 1,269 in TV and 1,190 in TV). Kantar estimates that this media exposure is equivalent to 66.5 million euros, the amount that would be needed to spend in advertising “to promote the places visited by the Pope and obtain a similar media impact” (Kantar Media Press Release 11 November 2011).

Kantar Media says that Pope’s visit had an advertising impact of some 66 million euros. Now, if we compare media impact of both events, our data indicate that the negative reputation media impact of the E Coli crisis on Spanish cucumbers has had a global media impact (including news from Spain in both cases) thatis 3.5 times higher. If we consider only international news (excluding news from Spanish newspapers), the media impact of references to Spanish cucumbers is 6.8 times higher than references to Pope visit to Spain.

10 June 2011: End of official warning against the consumption of cucumbers, tomatoes and lettuce.

As explained in the beginning of this post, German Federal authorities launched an alert by 26 May suggesting not to consume raw tomatoes, cucumbers and green salads.

By 10 June 2011, a joint statement issued by the German Federal Institute for Risk Assessment (BfR), the German Federal Office of Consumer Protection and Food Safety (BVL) and Robert Koch Institute (RKI) “recommend abstaining from eating raw sprouts”. They also “jointly conclude that the current general recommendation to abstain from eating cucumbers, tomatoes, lettuce in northern parts of Germany does not need to be upheld” (Joint Press Release by German Authorities about EHEC, 10 June 2011)

This official press release officially discard cucumbers as source of the current E Coli outbreak. Other food sources are now strongly suspected to be the origin of the infection: bean sprouts.

Hamburg Senate has published also a press release announcing that alert againts cucumbers, tomatoes and lettuce has been dropped. Once again, there is no mention at all to previous formal accusation by their authorities against Spanish cucumbers. No mention at all is meda to Spanish products (Hamburg Senate Press Release, 10 June 2011)

Now the German outbreak is officially linked to German cultivated sprouts. Cucumbers are completely cleared, as well as tomatoes and lettuce.

The crucial question for farmers is to which extent this severe health food crisis will be linked in public opinion minds to sprouts or to cucumbers.

Media coverage plays a major role in creating and modifying image and reputation. Up to this point, cucumbers from Spain have received a massive and global media coverage creating an extreme negative perception.

It has to be proven by the facts that this crisis will be linked by the media and the people to German sprouts instead than to Spanish cucumbers. This requires to measure German and global media coverage to bean sprouts in comparion to media coverage given to ccucumbers. It requires also to measure the media coverage given from now on to cucumbers as being not responsible of the crisis, and compare it to previous negative media exposure. It finally requires to check in the short term and in the mid term the actual degree of trust shown by German and other European consumers towards cucumbers and other vegetables from Spain. We will monitor all these issues at MRI Universidad de Navarra.

The idendification of soja srpouts as source of the outbreak opens a new reputation crisis. This will affect all sprout producers, as now the accusation is formal and apparently scienfically supported.

This new crisis will probably seirously affect the reputation of organic food, as guilty sprouts came from an organic farm. This new crisis will reopen the debate between organic food defenders and genetically modified crops advocates. Media coverage of this current crisis will play probably again a major role. This issue will probably be the subject of a future post in this post.

Movimiento 15-M, Democracia Real Ya: Perception by Local Newspapers El Mundo, El País, Intereconomía, Público

In the precedent post we showed our first analysis about the phenomenon Democracia Real Ya as viewed by international media. We mentioned that this unprecedented initiative in Spain and the extent of its impact is taking also local media by surprise, and makes them difficult to explain and judge it.

We capture in this post how some reference newspapers in Spain are covering the events linked to Movimiento 15-M. We use as usual the media perception diamonds analysis. We analyze four newspapers with national coverage. According to ideological position we have chosen Intereconomía (with La Gaceta newspaper) as representative for right wing newspaper, El Mundo as center-rigth, El País as center-left and Público as left wing oriented newspaper. We use as term of comparison the global perception distilled from all Spanish newspapers in average.

We have performed in this blog some other analysis by focussing our attention on how specific newspapers cover crisis events. Examples are the coverage made by New York Times and Wall Street Journal to the japanese nuclear crisis, or international mentions received by Le Monde with revelations by Wikileaks origin. Another example is the analysis of media coverage of Bin Laden’s killing by Pakistan newspapers in compariron to international media coverage.

We show first results concerning the association to brand vector “Coherent, Respected”. As shown in precedent post, a high degree of association indicates that media consider that values and ethical issues are at stake. We found that new coverage about Tahrir Square revolt in Egypt was extremely highly related to “Coherent, Respected”.

Results show that Intereconomía (right) shows the lowest level of association. El Mundo (center-right) shows relative high degree of association only with component respected. Left oriented newspapers are more sensitive to this brand vector, but in complementary ways. El País (center-left) is more oriented to components compassion, trust, coherent, and happiness, while Público (left) is focused in components ethical, fairness.

The results show thus that newspapers are taking different positions and showing different perceptions of the event based in editorial positions.

Second brand vector is “Scandal”. Again the newspaper most sentitive to the impact of the civic phenomenon is Público. This newspaper is the one that associates the more 15-M movement with components corruption, mistake and scandal. Our undertanding is that Público is not attacking the movement itself, but that they rely much more than the other media to political and economic problems in Spain. El Mundo and Intereconomía insist in the component awful, reflecting probably the fears of becoming an uncontrolled movement.

All journals follow a similar treatment concerning brand vector “Tragedy”, also basically in line with global percpetion by all Spanish newspapers. Público insists more than others in  component harm.

Other posts

Protests in Spain. Media Coverage comparison with Tahrir Square Egypt Revolution