Media, Reputation, Intangibles, Brands, Crisis. Based in media and social media impact and content analysis. By Francesc Pujol. A Blog of Media, Reputation and Intangibles center MRI Universidad de Navarra
This is now time for assessing the amount of the vast damages suffered by New York, New Jersey and other places in the East Coast as a consequence of the unprecedented violence of the hurricane called Sandy. Number of deaths directly caused by the hurricane increases hour by hour.
Emergency situation is not yet overcome right now and difficulties and problems linked to shortages, energy blackout, floods and public transport restoration is just on the way.
The crisis is thus not solved and closed, and the storyline of this disaster is still developing.
In spite the fact that new relevant events will emerge in the next hours and days around the tragedy, we want to share with the readers of our blog on Reputation Metrics some of the results we have already gathered about this disaster.
Disasters, the role of social media and social conversation… and November 6, 2012 US Presidential Elections
As the vast magnitude of the tragedy was already apparent some days before it actually happened, analysts discussed about special issues linked to this crisis.
Some feared that social media could play a highly distorting role in creating ‘noise’ and bad quality communications and information, making harder to correctly channel the valuable and sometimes critical emergency information by emergency agencies, local authorities or news providers counting with means and experience for filtering correctly the information to be published. This fear has apparently confirmed at least to some extent, as many fake disaster pics have been widely disseminated, thus creating unjustified panic reactions.
This nationwide crisis counted with a very special and unusual ingredient: it is happening just one weak before the US Presidential elections. The end of the electoral race show an extraordinary close and uncertain electoral output (Average polls collected by RealClearPolitics by October 30 identify a voting intention Romney 48% Vs Obama 47.1%). The hurricane and the responsibilities that President Barack Obama, one of the candidates is required to assume in managing the crisis, may become a fact influencing the vote of undecided voters. Both Republicans and Democrats have strong interests in using the disaster in advantage of their political aspirations.
Who Is Leading the Social Conversation About Hurricane Sandy In Twitter?
All these considerations pushed us to monitor the social conversation around Hurricane Sandy in Twitter.
A now traditional way to proceed in measuring the impact of a crisis is to count Twitter traffic around the selected topic. An additional step is to undergo a Twitter content analysis in order to identify main elements of the storyline of the crisis and its evolution in time. We have run some this approach in some of our previous crisis analysis published in this blog. It is more than probable that such kind of analysis will be published soon.
We have chosen this time a different strategy.
This time we have looked for the tweets that are playing a more influential role in shaping global and USA public opinion and knowledge about the disaster. Those are the ones that appear and stay in the Twitter timeline in English when someone is searching for the word ‘Sandy’. This is a query that has been performed million of times in Twitter as well as in all other sources of information and conversation.
Let’s call ‘Top tweets list’ to tweets that stay in Twitter timeline corresponding not to all tweets but to ‘Top’ ones as so chosen by Twitter.com. Those are the tweets that people will see hour after hour if they scroll roll down the timeline in order to read more tweets about the disaster.
Our initial analysis corresponds to ‘top tweets’ in Twitter about ‘Sandy’ published in English between 1am 29 October 2012 and 2pm 30 October 2012 ET. This makes a total amount of 4410 different tweets.
We have organized them and we have counted how many different tweets the Twitter accounts have succeed in keeping them as ‘surviving tweet’.
We present in the following table the list of the top 20 Twitter accounts by number of tweets in the ‘top tweet’ list.
Top references in Twitter are Time, Hurricane Central, Anonymous, all of them with 67 tweets. We find thus among the leaders a well established top media reference like Time Magazine, a social activism group and a specialized source of information about hurricanes.
Top ten Twitter account include some top traditional news providers like Wall Street Journal and The Washington Post, but also new powerful actors in the news that have created their business model in pure online structures, like The Huffinton Post and Mashable (Pete Cashmore). We find also some few individuals, who are all of them professionals in the field of emergencies and disasters.
There are more than two thousand contributors entering in the ‘Top tweet list’. But just top 40 contributors generate 27.2% Twitter selected conversation in Twitter. They are really social media influencers in the coverage and reactions to Sandy disaster.
First figure shows the degree of concentration of social media conversation in Twitter around hurricane Sandy. Top 5% contributors generate 38% of all Twitter conversation about Sandy. Top 10% Twitter accounts produced 48% of all tweets. Top 20% produced 59% of all tweets about Sandy.
Next figure refers to the profile of top 40 contributors concerning their affiliation. We find that traditional news providers are the main source of selected social media conversation. They produce 52% of all content: 42% by official corporate accounts, and another 10% by top journalists pertaining to traditional social media counting with personal Twitter account. Another 16% of the tweets como from pure online media. Considering that it refers to top online media references like Mashable and Huffington Post, it can be assumed that these sources follow similar quality standards than traditional media. So, more than two thirds of all selected social media conversation come from well established sources of information. This result comes probably quite in contradiction with perceptions and intuitions of some analsis concerning the quality of information disseminated in the social media.
There are two other quite authoritative sources of information who receive a notable exposure among top influencers in Twitter: local public authorities (NYC Major, NJ Governor) and Twitter accounts from emergency and relief agencies or sources of information.
Summing all these qualified sources of information, we find that they represent 86% of all tweets produced by the top 40 Twitter accounts more successful in the ‘surviving list’.
We consider in the following figure the profile of top 50 (instead of top 40) contributors concerning their engagement in the social media conversation. We measure the median number of total tweets of top 50 contributors in hurricane Sandy storyline in Twitter. Median value of top 50 contributors is 26,089 tweets. This corresponds to experienced and heavy Twitter users. This result is influenced by that fact that more than 50% of all top 50 accounts pertain to news providers.
The figure shows the 10-data moving median values. It allows us to evaluate the relationship between their degree of influence in this disaster story and their all time record of activity in Twitter. We find that most prominent Twitter accounts are even more active than the values for all top 50 Twitter accounts. It can be observed that top contributors have published as median value more than 35,000 tweets. Values morve around 20,000 for Twitter accounts un the second half of the top 50 list.
Our result suggests that only by exception newcomers in Twitter can create content that will stay in the influential ‘top tweet list’.
Another characteristic to consider about top 50 Twitter contributors is their number of followers. This result is of course related with our previous analysis. Number of followers is a clear measure of social media influence. We find that the median value of top 50 contributors concerning hurricane Sandy is 350,000 followers. This amount of followers corresponds to very powerful Twitter accounts. It is telling us that ‘controlling’ the social media conversation is really not a matter of ‘aficionados’. Only well established and already influential Twitter accounts can succeed in shaping the social media conversation by the accumulation of tweets in the ‘top tweet list’ in a hot and sensitive topic.
Next figure shows the results concerning the median number of followers by groups of ten accounts. We find again a positive relationship between the actual degree of influence in the social media conversation and their previous degree of social media influence measures by number of followers. The positive relation with followers is even stronger than the one observed for the leel of Twitter activity. Top contributors count with more than 1.5 million followers. This degree of influence decreases continually and quickly to a first floor of some 400,000 followers. Top contributors in the second half of the list have a median number of 200,000 followers.
This value, the median number of followers of top Twitter contributors, could probably be satisfactorily used as a way to caliber how hot a topic is in a social media conversation or debate, besides the traditional measure of total number of tweets per minute or per hour.
The table below presents the list of top 50 Twitter accounts by number of appearances in ‘Top tweet list’ concerning hurricane Sandy. We include information about the profile of the account, its activity (total number of tweets) and reach (number of followers).
A 8.6 Earthquake near Sumatra, a risk of ‘widespread destructive tsunami’
Indonesia was struck in 11 April 2012 by a massive quake at 2h38 pm local time, 10h38 am CET. It was estimated to be a 8.6-8.9 magnitude quake (depending of the sources). Epicenter was in the Indic Ocean, at some 500 kilometers West from North Sumatra island, 30 kilometers deep.
The quake was perceived by scared people from Indonesia, Singapore and other places. Twitter live testimonies emerged instantly and all the world was aware of the potential devastating effects of the quake. It was soon apparent that the direct casualties and damages provoked by the quake direct impact was rather limited. But affected people and people around the world feared was the indirect effects linked to an induced tsunami reaching Indonesia coasts first and thereafter other neighbour countries. A global tsunami warning was almost immediately launched. The images and the devastating effects of the tsunami that hit Indonesia and Thailand as a consequence of the massive December 26 2004 quake near Sumatra came to mind to all observers. Present quake was only slightly weaker in magnitude (8,9 Vs 9,1), but this one took place less close than the devastating 2004 tsunami.
You can check in the two figures below the origin of the 2012 quake and its comparison with 2004 quake. Figures are from Tha Wall Street Journal.
Source: WJS, US Geological Survey
Source: WSJ, US Geological Survey
The magnitude of the quake and the incertitude about the effects of the tsunami created also an alert in terms of global media attention. We will present in this post some results concerning immediate media impact, less than 10 hours after that the origin of the crisis.
At this moment, 10h pm CET, tsunami alert has been officially lifted, some 6 hours ago. There is apparently no risk of killing wages anywhere in the Pacific rim.
Update: Death Toll and Material Damages
Only Indonesia suffered direct fatalities and damages provocked by the tremors suffered in Sumatra. Initial report by the National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB) was just four people with minors injuries and a 39-year-old men died of heart disease (BNPB, or Jakarta Globe). As relevant material loss, there was a broken bridge reported in West Aceh district.
The death toll was increased later to 5 people killed, all from heart attack or shock (The Australian)
Technical data about the earthquake
if you are looking for technical information about the 8.6 earthquake, you can check the poster provided by the US Geological Survey. You can access here the high resolution figure, will all details
You can also view the technical information about the earthquake provided by US Geological Survey. The US West Coast and Alaska Tsunami Information (WCATWC) reported it as a 8.7 magnitude earthquake, and did not call for a tsunami warning in US West coastal area.
Here you can find the first bulletin published by the US Pacific Tsunami Warning Centre. It launched a tsunami watch for the intention of all 28 countries in the region. The evaluation message did not announce a tsunami warning, bout opened the door for the appearance of a ‘widespread destructive tsunami. This is the full message:
THIS BULLETIN IS ISSUED AS ADVICE TO GOVERNMENT AGENCIES. ONLY
NATIONAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT AGENCIES HAVE THE AUTHORITY TO MAKE
DECISIONS REGARDING THE OFFICIAL STATE OF ALERT IN THEIR AREA AND
ANY ACTIONS TO BE TAKEN IN RESPONSE.
AN EARTHQUAKE HAS OCCURRED WITH THESE PRELIMINARY PARAMETERS
ORIGIN TIME – 0839Z 11 APR 2012
COORDINATES – 2.0 NORTH 92.5 EAST
LOCATION – OFF W COAST OF NORTHERN SUMATRA
MAGNITUDE – 8.7
EVALUATION
EARTHQUAKES OF THIS SIZE HAVE THE POTENTIAL TO GENERATE A
WIDESPREAD DESTRUCTIVE TSUNAMI THAT CAN AFFECT COASTLINES ACROSS
THE ENTIRE INDIAN OCEAN BASIN.
HOWEVER – IT IS NOT KNOWN THAT A TSUNAMI WAS GENERATED. THIS
WATCH IS BASED ONLY ON THE EARTHQUAKE EVALUATION. AUTHORITIES IN
THE REGION SHOULD TAKE APPROPRIATE ACTION IN RESPONSE TO THE
POSSIBILITY OF A WIDESPREAD DESTRUCTIVE TSUNAMI.
ESTIMATED INITIAL TSUNAMI WAVE ARRIVAL TIMES AT FORECAST POINTS
WITHIN THE WARNING AND WATCH AREAS ARE GIVEN BELOW. ACTUAL
ARRIVAL TIMES MAY DIFFER AND THE INITIAL WAVE MAY NOT BE THE
LARGEST. A TSUNAMI IS A SERIES OF WAVES AND THE TIME BETWEEN
In the next figure we show the evolution of total number of news about the risk of tsunami associated to the quake near Sumatra.
We have identified some 8,600 news about the crisis during the first 11 hours after the quake happened. Initial reaction by media, during the first 60 minutes, reached an amount of some 1,300 news.
The timing of the crisis in terms of media impact evolution can be better perceived in the next figure, where we present the number of news inside two hours periods.
Initial media reaction, within the first hour, reflects the ability from some newspapers to publish a quick note announcing the occurrence of the massive sea quake. Number of news is 1,300. In the next two hours, it is known that a tsunami alert is launched, and more details appear concerning direct experience of the temblors in different parts of the world, panic scenes mainly from people near Aceh. There is also a secong big earthquake above 8 points hitting the same area.. During this period some 2400 news were published. At the end of this period it is early morning in the East Coast of the United States. Fears and incertitude grow, but initial information arise diminishing the expectations of devastating tsunami wages. In the next two hours the flow of news stop its increase, and keeps stable around 2100 news. Different sources confirm that there are not high risks of a severe tsunami destruction, some 6-8 hours after the start of the crisis. The diminution of risks of devastation and casualties is translated into a sligh decrease of media attention in the following period (6-7 hours after).
The crisis almost vanishes as media crisis eight hours after the quake struck. The number of news drop dramatically and become a minor issue in the daily global media agenda.
Tsunami Warning. Media Impact By Countries
Initial hours after the tsunami alert was launched created anxiety as the devastating effects of the December 2004 tsunami provoked by an earthquake similar in power and location were probably constantly in mind by people and media from countries that paid a terrible prize in number of casualties. fears were sustained by the official tsunami alert mechanism and by the analysis of experts predicting 6 meters tall wages.
We have monitored the mentions in international media of all countries potentially affected by the tsunami. We present in the next figure our findings.
In order to facilitate the interpretation of the results, we have represented the media attention intensity using circles.
Highest intensity is black circle, that corresponds to more than 8,000 news during the first 24 hours after the earthquake hit the Indian Ocean. It is reached only by references to Indonesia (and Sumatra). Indonesia in its Sumatra island was the region most exposed to the risks and devastation associated to the tsunami. Indonesia was also the country that suffered the most in 2004 tsunami.
The second country most present in the news was Sri Lanka. It can be appreaciated that it was also the one geographically most exposed to eventual tsunami impact.
The other countries most affected by the tsunami alert, as measured by international media impact were India and Thailand. Thailand was also serverely hit by 2004 tsunami, specially in the touristic area of Phuket.
The other countries receiving more than 1,000 news were countries neighbouring Sumatra: Malaysia, Singapore and Australia. Japan is included also in this category, even if there was no direct risks of tsunami damages. It shows the impact in the media of the recent devastating tsunami suffered by japan in March 2011.
It is interesting to compare and complement our results with the analysis provided by Radian 6, who also carried out a social media impact analysis of the tsunami warning crisis. The graph by Radian 6 below shows the geographical references in social media (basically Twitter messages) linked to the tsunami. They find also that main reference is Indonesia. It is followed by mentions to Thailand, Singapore, India and Malaysia, like our results based in traditional media analysis. References to Sri Lanka locations do not appear in their list.
Indonesia Earthquake 2012, linking to Indonesia Tsunami 2004 and other disasters
Media coverage of major disasters and crisis events require always terms of reference as part of the news storyline. The initial media coverage of disasters is always accompanied with recalls about past events similar in nature or in the extent of devastation. Comparing the present crisis with past notorious crisis serves to provide a perspective to the readers of the size of the crisis that is being covered. It may serve to trigger anxiety and media interest if the last crisis ‘ranks near the top’ of the previous recorded episodes. This may happen in some cases, specially in the initial stages of a crisis where there is few available information about the exact impact of the crisis
The specific past events chosen by journalists to compare with the present ones provide also an indirect key of lecture of how media is understanding the size and the extent of the present crisis.
We have monitored the references to recent killing earthquakes and tsunamis within the context of the Sumatra April 2012 Earthquake media coverage.
Our findings show that, as expected, all regards are turned towards 26 December 2004 tragedy produced by the Indian Ocean earthquake that eventually killed some 230,000 people. This is a y far natural reaction, as the 2012 earthquake was really similar in its epicentre location and in its magnitude (8.6 Vs 9.0).
More relevant is to look into the details, to check out which locations of the 2004 tsunami are mentioned as references fro explaining that tragedy. We find that the main single reference is Aceh, the province in Indonesia that concentrated the vast majority of victims produced by the tsunami. Aceh receives some 6,000 mentions. Second reference is the country, Indonesia, with 4780. The region, more than the country, is creating the label associated to the 2004 tragedy, even if the tsunami affected other areas in Sumatra.
Next three references are three countries in the Indic Ocean: Sri Lanka, India and Thailand. Thai tourist resort Phuket comes next, with some 2,600 mentions.
We find that the number of mentions received by the four countries in 2012 crisis is perfectly in line with the estimated number of nationals killed by the 2004 disaster: Indonesia (167,800), Sri Lanka (35,300), India (18,000) and Thailand (8,200).
2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami. Death Toll and Casualties
Country where
deaths occurred
Confirmed
Estimated
Injured
Missing
Displaced
Indonesia
130,736
167,799
n/a
37,063
500,000+
Sri Lanka
35,322
35,322
21,411
n/a
516,150
India
12,405
18,045
n/a
5,640
647,599
Thailand
5,395
8,212
8,457
2,817
7,000
Somalia
78
289
n/a
n/a
5,000
Myanmar (Burma)
61
400–600
45
200
3,200
Maldives
82
108
n/a
26
15,000+
Malaysia
68
75
299
6
n/a
Tanzania
10
13
n/a
n/a
n/a
Seychelles
3
3
57
n/a
200
Bangladesh
2
2
n/a
n/a
n/a
South Africa
2
2
n/a
n/a
n/a
Yemen
2
2
n/a
n/a
n/a
Kenya
1
1
2
n/a
n/a
Madagascar
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
1,000+
Total
~184,167
~230,273
~125,000
~45,752
~1.69 million
Source: 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami, Wikipedia
Our results suggest that the 2004 massive tsunami tends to be labelled by the media as the ‘Aceh tsunami’, which also means that this region in Indonesia will be always associated popularly to the disaster. This is part of the negative place branding associated to this name.
By comparison, we find that the references to the more recent and also devastating 2011 tsunami in Tohoku Japan are rather limited. Just some 850 news, seven times less than references to 2004 Tsunami Aceh. Media attention was clearly focused in the risks of tsunami destruction and used basically the references to 2004 tsunami.
Our results show also that this earthquake has not oriented international media attention to previous earthquake disasters similar in magnitude power or with a massive death toll. Mentions to 2010 killing earthquake in Haiti are marginal, as they appeared only in 280 news. References to massive earthquake in Chile are even more limited. The storyline of media coverage of this natural disaster was completely oriented to tsunamis, and not to earthquakes, even if finally only an earthquake happened.
Annex 1: Warning Systems, smartphones and social media
We include in this post some analysis and reflections about the early warning systems deployed to preserve lives in coastal areas potentially affected by tsunamis. This one was one of the hard lessons learned from 2004 tsunami disaster. We put this information as ‘annex’ in our post, as our task here is just a compilation of information coming from external sources. We do not provide additional information based in our media impact analysis. We want nevertheless include this external information as it add value for some of the readers interested in communication crisis in the context of natural emergencies. We just select some excerpts from these externe as such, mentioning the source, and we will not provide additional analysis or interpretation.
Nandasa, a resident living on the beach in Rathmalana, a suburb just south of Colombo, expressed a similar sentiment. “In 2004, when waters receded before the tsunami came, people took it for a joke, they went out to collect shells. This time no one was taking things lightly, everyone knew what to do and what to expect.”
Still, there were some lapses. As coastal roads were closed, others became jammed with traffic, mobile networks became overloaded and petrol stations in coastal areas ran out of fuel, leaving many people stranded.
But overall, the harsh lessons from 2004 seem to have been learned.
Old Tsunami Nightmares, New Warning Systems in Sri Lanka, IPS News
Tsunami warning sirens blared Wednesday in parts of Indonesia, and the other steps taken show that “governments are more prepared,” said CNN weather anchor Mari Ramos.
“There are sirens in place along coastal communities. There are buoys in the ocean to measure water level changes. There is better communication among government agencies, countries and the media. The word gets out much more quickly, and that helps saves lives,” Ramos said.
However, “the number of measuring devices in the Indian Ocean is tiny compared to the Pacific. It’s a start, but more are needed.”
Tsunami scare tests new life-saving procedures, CNN
“When the police jeep began announcing the evacuations, we were already on the move,” Ajeemal, a resident of the village of Sainathimaruthu, in the eastern Kalmunai region, told IPS.
In 2004 there was no such warning and the monstrous waves left 30,000 dead, a million displaced and a reconstruction bill of over three billion dollars.
“This time people knew what to expect, they knew they had to get away from the beach and do that fast,” Ajeemal said.
In double-quick time, the Meteorological Department issued a warning: “An earthquake near Sumatra Island at 02.08pm (Sri Lanka time) today 11.04.2012 has generated a tsunami that will affect Sri Lanka, those living near and along the Eastern and Southern coastal regions are advised to evacuate to safer places immediately.”
The warning came despite the United States government’s Pacific Tsunami Warning Centre failing to issue a formal alert, instead limiting its update on the earthquake to a ‘tsunami watch’. However, local radio and television stations picked up the warning, which was also disseminated by SMS alerts and Sri Lanka’s small but active Twitter community.
Those on the coast, like Ajeemal, were advised by the police to move at least 500 metres inland. “We were asked to remain there till around six (o’clock in the evening),” Ajeemal said. The warning period was later extended when aftershocks hit the island about two hours after the initial quake hit Indonesia’s western coast of Sumatra, in Banda Aceh.
“Almost everyone has moved out of the coast, no one is here,” said Reverend G S K Herath, an Anglican priest from the southern town of Matara. He told IPS that security forces and the police had moved into the areas being evacuated to guard against looting.
Old Tsunami Nightmares, New Warning Systems in Sri Lanka, IPS News
Suharjono, head of the earthquakes department at Indonesia’s Meteorology and Geophysics Agency (BMKG), said authorities had known a tsunami could hit 50 minutes after Wednesday’s quake.
“We also knew which parts of the coast to watch,” he said, explaining that offshore buoys send signals to monitoring stations in Indonesia and beyond.
James Goff, director of the Australia-Pacific Tsunami Research Centre at the University of New South Wales, said the alert was a “decent test” of the Indian Ocean tsunami warning system, an ambitious network of tidal gauges, deep ocean buoys and seismic monitors modelled on the decades-old Pacific model completed after the 2004 tsunami.
Wednesday’s quake was felt as far afield as Thailand, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Malaysia, Reunion Island, Sri Lanka, and Burma.
India said it issued a tsunami warning eight minutes after the quake.
“This was the first incident after the 2004 tsunami and we handled it extremely well,” said Namrata Majumdar, an official at the country’s disaster management centre.
Sri Lankan authorities said the alert had exposed serious problems of traffic management and the inability of mobile phone networks to cope in an emergency, although coastal residents appeared to be well prepared.
In Thailand, where social networking has been growing rapidly, the National Disaster Warning Centre’s head Somsak Khaosuwan said the internet had played a “significant role” in disseminating information.
“We thought it went extremely well yesterday,” said Denis Okello, information officer at the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Jakarta, commenting on Indonesia’s response.
He said sirens warning people to move to higher ground had been activated by local officials receiving SMS messages and emails from BMKG.
In a nation with one of the world’s highest number of phone texters – and the globe’s fastest growing major market for BlackBerry smartphones – telephone alerts are also an important way for the BMKG to spread its warnings.
“I think some people got text messages, but we didn’t get any at the school because the phone lines were down for some time after the quake,” said Nunik Nurwanpi, a 20-year-old primary school teacher in Banda Aceh.
“We all knew what to do anyway because we’ve had regular tsunami drills since the big one in 2004,” she said, adding that children were evacuated from the school and moved to higher ground when sirens blared.
Tsunami warnings test post-2004 system, SBS Australia
In theory, national governments should issue tsunami watches and warnings. For sure, they should be the only ones issuing evacuation orders. But social media are upending government control.
Sri Lanka is not located in an earthquake zone. So when those of us who felt the tremors, our first reaction was to doubt our senses. People texted each other to verify. In my case, I learned that the tremor I felt was caused by an earthquake from a tweet within 10-15 minutes of the event. My first reaction was to check the magnitude and depth of the quake from the best scientific source I knew: the United States Geological Service. My first tweet, based on confirming the event at the USGS site, was at 1429 local time (20 minutes after the earthquake)
I sent several tweets, sticking pretty closely to USGS data. Unlike in 2004, the phones were working (within networks, though performance was patchy in locations, especially near the coast line) and Internet was not slowed down noticeably. Calls from one network to another were subject to congestion delays, suggesting that the interconnection links had been inadequately dimensioned.
Tweets kept flying. I and several others active in social media kept emphasizing that only a “watch” existed, that people should be alert and not do anything for now.
(…)
Whatever the theory says, social media and the Internet have changed the conditions of warning irrevocably. Social media appear to be disseminating information about impending hazards extremely fast. The government looks even more inept in these conditions, when they wait for too long to issue (unnecessary) evacuation orders. It is even more important in these conditions to improve internal processing of information and decision making so that the government can issue unambiguous directives based on the best science available.
Even more important is the education of various authorities such as those running the trains, supplying electricity, etc. about the appropriate responses. Those responsible for schools, offices, hotels, exhibitions, etc. should be educated and if necessary directed to desist from rash closures and suspensions. Offices, especially high rises, are safer than a congested road should a tsunami come.
The government’s assertion that tsunami warnings worked is dubious. It is true that most people knew about the potentially tsunamigenic earthquake within an hour of its occurrence, which from the perspective of avoiding loss of life is very good. However, it is doubtful whether the government can claim credit for that awareness. When it came to issuance of warnings, evacuation orders, etc. the government earned a failing grade. Not enough authoritative direction was provided in time. Uncoordinated actions such as shutting down public services, closing workplaces, etc. caused considerable inconvenience to the public. More than that, the throwing of thousands of people on to the roads when transport was shutting down made them more vulnerable, in the event a tsunami did arrive.
In the age of social media, people will learn of distant hazards independently of government. What government must focus on is helping them respond on the most intelligent way, based on the best science. On this front, much remains to be done.
Tsunami risk reduction in the age of Twitter, R & D Mag
Another readings about smartphone use in disasters (not related with Indonesia earthquake:
Annex 2: a huge earthquake, but a weak tsunami. Why?
In this section we provide the explanation why this 2012 earthquake did not create a strong tsunami, even if it was remarkably similar to the destructive 2004 tsunami. Again, we present exclusively external sources, as this is not a matter of media impact analysis.
We present first a divulgative explanation provided by CNN about tsunami formation, and why this earthquake did not create a major tsunami.
CNN Video. How Tsunamis are formed and why we had not a tsunami with 2012 Sumatra earthquake.
Annex 3: Videos about the devastating power of tsunami 2004 Sumatra Aceh and tsunami 2011 Japan
In this section we show some selected videos from amateur shootage as direct witness of the action and devastating power of tsunamis. We refer to videos capturing 2004 destruction and death. Perceiving again the terror and the dimension of the tragedy is a way to better understand the probable reaction of people in the areas surrounding the 2012 earthquake epicentre and the warning of a possible ‘widespread destructive tsunami’. For sure, for all people in Indonesia, Thailand or Sri Lanka having a direct experience of the 2004 tsunami, this April 2012 alert created strong feelings. I think that panic and anxiety describes quite well emotions and reactions. Terrible memories have probably acted as a protective reaction againsts new risks. Some people outside the affected area could consider that local citizens and authorities have overreacted against the new alarm created by the new 2012 massive earthquake.
The extraordinary dimension of 2004 destruction and harm helps us to understand their suffering and the weight that it still has in their memories. This is in a sense a way to pay tribute to the victims and survivors. This is also a way to give thanks to people that perticipate in the documentary that we present below, being ready to renew their sufferings as means to show all the world the risks of this natural disaster and the burden suffered by the affected countries. Some readers of this blog may consider that I am proposing a distateful measure, which only fruit is to satisfy insane curiosity. I can understand such a reaction and I fully respect it, but it is clearly not our intention.
There is a plethora of videos in Youtube about tsunamis, creating calling effects on potential viewers. The results is that many highle viewed videos are just fake, manipulations or cut and paste stories and images. This creates a sour feeling in people looking for information about videos.
We have selected the series of videos that contain an extraordinary collection of amateur footages by direct witness and then also victims of the tsunamis. Many appeared first upload by authors and received many views. English TV Channel 4 was engaged in the ambitious project of trying to know the story behind those videos. They created an extraordinary documentary presented five years after the tragedy, an unvaluable documentary that will be used as reference.
You can check it at its source, at Channel4. Apparently, there is no option to access to it in many countries, like mine. So, we propose the consultation of the free available versions in Youtube. As they are divided in sections of 10 minutes, it allow to access more easily the sections that may be more interesting for you.
Evidently, even eight years later, please be aware that images are highly distressing. There are images of people being caught by the waters, and dead bodies.
Part I. Presenting the individual cases. Amateur videos, the day before (Christmas Day). The earthquake, 7:59 am local time.
Part II. The earthquake experienced in land. The tsunami in Banda Aceh, Indonesia
Part III. Tsunami in Phuket, Thailand. Tsunami in Khao Lak, Thailand
Part IV. Tsunami in Kho Phi Phi Island, Tsunami. Tsunami in Tangalle, Sri Lanka
Part V. Tsunami aftermath in Indonesia, Thailand. Destruction, survivors, looking for relatives.
Part VI. Tsunami aftermath in Indonesia, Thailand. Destruction, survivors, looking for relatives.
Part VII. Tsunami aftermath in Sri Lanka. Mouring. Live after the tsunami for survivors.
In this first anniversary of the massive disaster and tragedy suffered by Japanese people by 11 March 2011, we want to show with our readers some of the empirical results we gathered and learnt about media impact and reputation analysis.
This post is intended to be also a tribute to all victims of the catastrophe, specially to survivors. As many other people, I was astonished by the heroic civil society reaction to the disaster. In the midst of terrible suffering, this was really and profoundly inspiring.
I would like to share with you a video that was created and sent to me by a reader of this post a while ago. This is a highly emotional video, as you can imagine. As Lucy explained,
I’m an Australian poet/lyricist based in Canberra. A short while ago I finished a project with an American singer and producer Rick Tallis – a song dedicated to the Japanese people who died or lost their loved ones in the tsunami last March. This song is a cover of Leonard Cohen’s Hallelujah with re-written lyrics that talk about a child trapped in the rubble with their mother after the tsunami. The video of the song is now out on Youtube – a slide show of some very powerful images of the event. We would like to get the song heard and would be very grateful if you could listen to it and watch the video and share it with others, as we believe the pain and suffering caused by this tragic event is ongoing. We strongly believe that to remember is to care, especially now that it’s coming up to the first anniversary of this tragic event. We would appreciate any feedback or suggestions on how to spread the word regarding this project.
Kind regards,
Lucy Prasad
I think that this video shows the soul of this tragedy with respect, and transmits the humanity of Humanity: disaster, tragedy, immense and unbearable suffering, tears, crying and despair, injustice and grievance. Death, mourning, abandonment, loneliness. And sacrifice, struggle and fight, heroic efforts, endurance, strength, serenity and hope. Smiles and laughts. Future. Life.
If you are looking for images comparing before-after, you can check the images in the following external sources:
Before-After the earthquake and tsunami; satellite images
We pubished our first results about media impact just in the aftermath of the tsunami, still 11 March 2011, showing how the disaster was aprehended by international media, when almost nothing was know about the devstating effects, except as for the magnitude of the earthquake, measured at first at 8.9 points Richter scale. We compared initially the news content profile about the earthquake and the tsunami against news about Wikileaks, concerning their association to scandal and tragedy. This was due to the fact that all our previous post referred to the news content analysis to Wikileaks related issues.
This was followed a day after by our first analysis about media reaction to first blast in Fukushima nuclear plant. That day there was no possibility to assess the extent of the ongoing problems as possible nuclear crisis. In our third post we compared initial media coverage of tsunami in Japan against other recent tragedies or disasters, like Haiti and Chile Earthquakes 2010, Duisburg Love Parade Stampede.
We had another post measuring initial media reaction to Fukushima blast. We considered that media did not react quickly, in accordance with the foreseable crisis impact of the events. Only 12-24 hours after the blast, international media attention turned to the analysis of the implications of the nuclear plant blast. This was a 13 March 2011 post.
Using our media impact techniques, we published a first post about the cities in Japan that received more international media attention. Being able to idenify which are the cities most present in the news in a pure quanitative way allow you to identify where the focus of a crisis is located.
Results in the figure below shows the evolution of the media coverage given to main cities in the four first days after the tsunami.
Sendai was the region most devastated by the tsunami (and the one with more available video footage in the beginning). Fukushima exceeded Sendai as international media reference by the end of 12 March.
Then came the second adn third blasts in Fukushima nuclear plant, by 15 March 2012. Events turned dramatic, as it became clear that the situation was completely uncontrolled. We measured the news content profile about second blast in comparision with those about the first explosion. We had a substantial increase of news profile association to tragedy and scandal. The vector components more sensitive to second blast were ‘worrying’, ‘mistake’, ‘harm’ and ‘embarrassing’.
By 18 March 2011 we run a comparative media content analysis by countris about Fukushima nuclear crisis. We shoewd how the crisis was explained by media from the United States, India, United Kingdom and Australia. Below there is an example of the findings.
We published two post, always using our own techniques for media impact analysis, about the companies from Europe and America most affected by Japan earthquake, tsunami or Fukushima nuclear crisis. We show below the tables, and you can chek if you wish the posts in order to know more about the list.
Companies from Europe most affected by the Japan earthquake, tsunami, nuclear crisis, measured by media impact.
Once that the initial stage of ermegency and rescue was concluded, it appeared a more clear picture of the extent of the devastation and tragedy by casualties. Many people were looking for information about the cities most affected by the earthquake and tsunami. Even if data about casualties and damages existed, it is hard to establish a list of cities, as the effects are not comparable: there are people killed by the earthquake and the tsunami, there are people missing mainly in areas devastated by the tsunami, there are buildings and infrastructure destroyed by the direct effect of the massive earthquake, or razed by the tsunami. There are finally villages and areas abandoned due to the nuclear crisis.
We wanted to provide an answer of how media perceived or focused attention in each component of the disaster. We monitored the media impact received internationally by all cities and locations with more thn 10.000 inhabitants in relationship with tsunami, earthquake or nuclear crisis.
We published a post with the list of cities most affected by the disaster, based exclusively by the media attention received since 11 March 2011. For each city, we provided the available information concerning casualties and damages. We provided information about this table in the blog post. This is the blog entry that has received more visits.
In another related post, we investigated the relationship between media coverage received by each prefecture and the kind of casualties and damages suffered, as shown in the following figure.
We explored the existence of media bias by checking how New York Times and Wall Street Journal covered Fukushima nuclear crisis. We wanted to see if the Japanese crisis was presented by leading American newspapers showing different perceptions concerning a very sensitive issue also in terms of local business and politics. We covered this news content analysis of the nuclear crisis storyline in two different posts (post 1, post 2).
Our analysis suggested that New York Times presented Fukushima crisis in a most dramatic way, or, conversely, that Wall Street Journal explained it in a more indulgent way. Wall Street Journal was as expected more focussed on issues with economic and commercial implications. Below, the example of a couple of figures of the analysis.
Concerning the media coverage given to Fukishima nuclear crisis, we followed an indirect indicator showing how serious the accident was judged by the media. We measured the prevalence of news about Fukushima mentioning past nuclear accidents, like Three Mile Island and Chernobyl. We published the time evolution of this measure right after Fukushima was declared a Level 7 (max) accident. This was 12 April 2012. Things worsened later, but we did not publish additional pots about this topic in this blog.
We run also a reputation an communications crisis case that emerged within the framework of the Japanese tsunami. Comedian Gilbert Gottfired was ‘the voice’ of AFLAC duck, a very popular and main brand asset of this American insurance company with a very strong presence in Japan. He published some tweets with jokes about the tsunami with an awful bad taste and sense of the opportunity. He was inmediately fired.
We performed a reputation crisis analysis based again in news content analysis. We eventually published a report with the results, that you can download here.
Our findings show that even if the nes about the jokes tarnished AFLAC reputation, as shown for instance in the figure below, quick response taken by the comany preserved the quality of the media perception about the AFLAC mascot. We also compare how media portrayed the controversy about the jokes with media treatment given to other topics judged irreverent and polemic like South Park, The Simpsons and nuclear episode.
Full report includes media perception of AFLAC in comparison with competitors like Metlife, Prudential Financial or Aetna.
One year ago all 33 miners trapped during 70 days at mining San José, Copiapó, in the desert of Atacama, Chile, were rescued alive.
This rescue mission, that engaged a whole country and attracted global media attention is probably one of the most successful crisis event in recent history.
We proceeded at Media Reputation and Intangibles Center of Universidad de Navarra to a media impact and reputation analysis. We published a report, and the conclusions were distributed and published by media in Chile.
This is a report in Spanish, and it is freely available at Country Reputation, MRI Universidad de Navarra or download here the report.
We reprint here some of the figures of our report as published by El Mercurio, Chile.
They show the following results:
1. The rescue history was the single event most notorious in recent Chile history, in terms of global media impact. It outpaced the number of news created by massive earthquake in February 2010.
2. Media coverage received by each individual miner was basically in line with their rescue order. Exception made for the last one, who captured increased attention. From all analysis we concluded that no individual hero was identified, and this would always become the story of all 33 heroes. This team-effect instead of a single hero is an advantadge for Chile as a country, as it tends to capture all positive reputational impact.
3. The event was a massive reward for President Sebastián Piñera, who was highly and personally involved in the rescue plan and operation. He outpaced the initial protagonism reached by Minister Laurence Golborne. One year later, President Piñera is facing huge political (and reputational) problems linked to students’ protests.
The Epic Story, in Three Acts
We consider the event as a perfect storyline for media that, as a result gathered massive worldwide attention in the final stages of the rescue operations. The perfect conclusion with all lives spared created a unique media momentum, fuelling positive feelings, creating a sentiment of a shared project.
As we have tried to show in our report, this event created an enormous positive reputational effect for brand Chile.
We want to show here why we understand this event as a canonical epic story, this being the source of the natural massive media attention.
We complement our explanation with a selection of images representatives of each stage. Some of them come from a BBC document.
Act 1: The Incommensurable Tragedy
August 5, 2010. This should be the worst day ever in the desert of Atacama. News arrive quick to Copiapó. A natural gas explosion has blocked mine San José. 33 miners are unnacounted. They were working in the deepest section of the mine, 700 meters underground. A tragedy of unprecedented dimensions spread pain in families and relatives. It becomes quickly a national tragedy.
Against all kind of hope, the rescue team started operations trying to reach the are where the miners were expected to be if still alive. A number of exploratory boreholes were created by percussion drills. Efforts failed many times, and several boreholes drifted off-target. The distance was to huge, the rock too resistent. Painful repeated efforts were made to reach the refuge.
One drill reached the area by August 19, 14 days after the collapse, founding no signs of life. Three days later, another borehole reached an emergency shelter in the refuge area. When the drill was pulled out, engineers discovered atonished that it contained a message, revealing that there were still miners alive 17 after the accident. An immense wage of joy thrilled the camp.
Then the miracle happened: the message anounced that all 33 miners were safe, with no fatality: “Estamos bien en el refugio los 33″. The subsequent joy was unstopable.
Soon, it was even possible to have direct voice contact with the trapped miners.
The story that emerged as a terrible tragedy closed its first act as a movement of imense joy and gratitude to God.
Act 2. The Drama: A Titanic Mission.
Euphoria moved into intense preoccupation when rescue team realized the impossible mission that they were called for: try to rescue 33 surviving miners trapped 700 meters underground, will all access channels completely destroyed by the explosion and collapse. There were no previous records of even such and attempt. Of course, there were no precedent rescue mission saving lifes in curcumstances half as hard as present. Would this joy transform into a nighmare of a slow agony of 33 confined miners?
This was the stage of continuous ‘never give up’ moments and decisions when facing the expected unsurmontable obstacles and difficulties.
Visual contact was reached by August 28.
The cycle of life: a trapped miner is father again. Esperanza (Hope) is the name of Ariel Ticona’s third daughter.
Struggling day and night. A nation behind
According to Wikipedia, citing The Santiago Times, “The Chilean government developed a comprehensive rescue plan modeled on the successful 2002 US Quecreek Mine Rescue, itself based on the 1963 German Wunder von Lengede rescue operation. Both previous rescues had used a “rescue pod” or capsule to winch trapped miners to the surface one-by-one.
This was time of ingeniosity, crisis management, team working and leadership and just-in-time design of new strategies and plans.
And by October 9, the rescue project reached the goal: Plan B’s Schramm T130XD was the first to reach the trapped miners.
They achieved the impossible. And all the camp was transformed again in joy and euphoria.
Act 3: The Story Becomes Epic: Eternal Glory or Unbearable Failure and Pain
Now the impossible was possible. The-never-done-before was about to happen. All 33 miners could be returned to their families safe. We world could assist admired to a singular collective conquest by Chile.
Being so close to the immense success created the conditions for the intense drama in the final stages of the rescue operations: now all 33 miners must be saved! If only one dies, joy will be melt with terrible disappointment and frustration. Pulling out all of them became a duty. Each miner saved would increase the anxiety for the fate of the repaining trapped miners.
And the final rescue mission commenced.
Heroes, and the essence of hope
United we can
The end of agony, unconfined happiness
And they came back, one by one. All of them.
They were all heroes. The mission was acomplished. They become eternal. It became a legendary epic story, an story that will be narrated forever.
This is why we consider this event as a perfect epic story. That’s why it attracted global media attention and why it produced enormous reputational lasting benefits for Chile brand.
As an illustration, we show a selection of cover pages of newspapers from all over the world, the day after the rescue, showing admiration to Chile.
In a couple of days News York and all United States will remember solemny the worst attack ever suffered by Americans in United States soil, ten years ago.
Media coverage is becoming massive, not only in the United States media, but also globally. Additional media attention comes from the official alert of risks of a new Al Qaida “credible threat”.
Even if the attack struck New York and New Yorkers, this memorial is a national major event. It is receiving media attention from all over United States.
As like any other relevant major event, expected or unexpected, we can explore at MRI Universidad de Navarra which kind of specific insights we can gather from analysing its media coverage.
Here our proposal is to measure state by state media behaviour concerning the memorial of New York terror attack. We can group the newspapers by states and then create global results by each state.
The main result that we have obtained with the news published up to September 9 is that the degree of media attention by state is sensitive to party ideology. Our procedure is not to label each individual journal by a supposed party bias. Our strategy is to use the information concerning recent voting patterns in each state. Democratic orientes states will count with more democrat oriented newspapers than average, and the opposite is expected to happen with Republican oriented states.
We present the results concerning the intensity of media coverage given to New York 9/11 attack and memorial news, grouping states by Republican-Democratic profile.
We have used different measures to group states into each side:
1. States by Governor’s party.
2. States presenting a strong partisan voting in the 2008 US presidential elections. We define strong partisan voting when the voting margin is higher than 20 points.
3. States presenting a partisan voting in the 2008 US presidential elections. We define partisan voting when the voting margin is higher than 10 points.
For each measurement, we have estimated two values: weighted and unweighted state averages.
In all the measures estimated we find that Republican states tend to provide a higher media coverage to New York 9/11 than Democtratic oriented states.
This is a very sensitive post in our series of analysis of crisis and their media coverage analysis.
It requires some preliminary remarks and statements:
1. This blog, all posts and this post are primarily designed for scholars and professionals interested in media coverage analysis, reputation analysis and branding.
2. As in all our precedent analysis, the aim and only goal is to provide information and knowledge arising from media impact monitored by MRI Universidad de Navarra.
3. We do not intend to clash or interfere with current criminal investigations.
4. We do not wish by any means to disseminate the goals and plans designed by Anders Breivik. We firmly oppose to them.
5. We have used only information freely accesible in internet using simple Google searches, and not through privileged information channels. (note: two days after I published this, it appears clear that everybody can reach the full content of this document).
6. As all citizens in Europe, we are horrified with the attacks, we abominate them and we suffer with the victims. I personally pray for the victims and their relatives.
Now, we propose our analysis of the Utoya shooting and some media impact result concerning the shooting.
(note: this post is progressively updated during the day with new data analysis).
As many people, we have accessed to the document published by a so called “Andrew Berwick”, who is indeed Anders Breivik, the author of Utoya massacre and Oslo bombings. It was freely accesible in internet as pdf document (at least by July 24, 10h am CET), as it was planned like this by Breivik. I do not know if this document will be accessible in the future, but it will probably always easy to find it out as the author has disseminated it through Facebook and social networks to many Far Right groups.
We got some captions from the documents, that we will present in this post. Of course, we do not publish information about the ideology and content of the document (as we have never done in any other previous analysis and post). But we need to show those elements that are essential to show the strategy followed by Anders Breivik concerning the attacks made two days ago, as it is the basis of our analysis in terms of media coverage.
We come directly to our own conclusion: the primary and probably unique goal of Oslo bombings and Utoya shooting was to advertise his 2083 European Manifesto among Far Right groups in Europe, and to provide credibility of his political project among these groups. His final goal is basically to ensure an racially rooted Europe, with a final deportation of all Muslim people from Europe.
This conclusion clearly emerges from one of the passages in the mentoned document:
Thus, the attacks have been planned in their cruelty just to ensure a media impact enough to ensure that it become a “marketing operation” to make the 2083 Manifesto known.
This position is established in other parts in the document, like the one presented below in this post about his Plan B (blast and shooting) also a red underlined text, presented as “operation in order to market the compendium that way”.
Breivik considers a wide distribution of his Manifesto (called compendium by himself) among interest groups as a key factor for ensuring the success of his revolution project.
Or this couple of paragraphs, very similar in content:
He understands his attacks as means to break the media “law of silence” against their principles and activities.
The document is completely credible about the author and his intentions and “political” design, as well as all the planning of the terrorist attack.
For instance, it clearly appears that he conducted all the bombing planning alone, a point that apparently is still unclear in police investigation:
He explained his solo tactics in other parts of the document:
Other elements that provide full credibility to the document as source for knowing his plot design and ideological intentions are:
1. He explains that he will appear dressed as police officer (last two paragraphs). It also refers to “investor contacts” to be emailed as the Far Right groups to receive the document. He speaks about explosions and human casualties as “generate acceptable precisous metals yields” in order to ensure media coverage visibility.
In his terror tactics explain why to use police officer uniform
2. He explains that he is using the agricultural firm Geofarm as cover for obtaining all explosive components:
3. He clearly points out to the strategy of attacking the Labor Party Youth camp. In the first text he explains how to prepare the attack. The second text helps to explain his extreme cruelty killing young people. In the third one he explains why this kind of gathering are perfect terror targets.
4. The last entry is published just 2 hours before the blast
A collateral but very distressing fact to me is that he explains that his training method for Utoya shooting is one simulation video game. Even if I do not post personal opinions, this element should open a debate about these war games.
Finally, I show an additional caption where it apparently shows that because of lack of funds he turned from his initial desing to “sell” his ideas through political ways (plan A) into a terrorist attack plan (plan B). Even if the author put this decision in the period 2002-2006, the actual starting operations date from Autumn 2009. In any case, this means that Breivik has been preparing the attacks for at least 3 years.
Another point of controversy is that if this can be considered as a Christian Fundamentalist project.
The following programatic text shows clearly that his mindset has nothing to do with religious fundamentalism
Of course, in normal times, being a Christian atheist is a contradiction in its terms. This is not contradictory for Anders Breivik, as his notion of Christian conservatism is merely to take some societal values linked to old Christian societies as political guidelines. Breivik’s Christian project and society does not require Jesus Christ, not the Bible nor even Good, as it is clearly shown in the text presented. In this sense, the need for Christian references is similar to the Nazi project in the sense of looking for ancestral roots and rituals. It has nothing to do with religion.
All these elements of information drives us to our initial conclusion: we are facing a perfectly calculated long plan for ensuring a maximum exposure of his political ideas and project. Unfortunately for Norway and us all he has apparently succeed, and he is currently receiving massive media attention. Norway do not consider death penalty and apparently maximum time in prison is 21 years. Taking advantadge of internet and social network development he has ensured that his plan is known by all extremists groups, and he is trying to “activate” them with his hideous attack.
Right now (24 July, 17h CET), there are many media sources that are showing elements of the Manifesto, like BBC, Al-Jazeera or CNN. But they are not yet pointing out that the goal of the attacks was precisely to disseminate the content of the 2083 European Manifesto.
We want to provide information about how global media is dealing with this issue.
First analysis shows to which extent media coverage of the massacre is global. It refers to news about Utoya massacre.
Evidently, this is not a tragedy confined mainly to local newspapers. News from Norwegian newspapers count only for 7% of all news about the shooting. This is also due to the fact that Norway is a rather small country with a limited number of newspapers. Neighbourg countries (Denmark, Sweden, Finland and Netherlands) count for another 6% share. Other remaining countries from Europe publish 55% of all news.
USA and Canada represent 18% of all news. This is lower than their natural news share. Asia, Australia and Latin America are responsible for the last 14% of all news.
Of course, this is a massive shooting with global impact, but our results indicate that Europe is the most sensitive area to the massacre.
As a complement, we show the initial time trend of media interest of different regions. This is not the evolution of total news, but the relative share of all news among different regions. Our results show that the share of news from Norway is increasing constantly. Media interest from Europe keeps stable while newspapers from outside Europe tend to decrease media coverage.
Of course, the eventual mid to long term consequences of this attack will affect mainly countries in Europe, as Far Right movements in Europe are targeted by the Manifesto and will impose new control measures from security and intelligence agencies in Europe. But this attack can also influence movements in the US and in countries in Central Asia. Media from these countries should also be aware and interested in the evolution of the Norway investigations.
We published our own conclusions about Utoya shooting motivations on July 24, by 13h30 CET. At that moment media references to 2083 Manifest document where still marginal. Right now full media coverage is given to the existence of the document and to some parts of its content. Media from some countries show contents referring to how Anders Breivik perceives local politics.
Quite astonishing from our point of view, there are some media that even establish links to the full document. We are really surprised as this long document contains a lot of information about how the Norwegian terrorist has planned and executed his succesful attack. Even is some journalists argue that this kind of information is similar to other existing documents by terrorist groups, we do not understand why they facilitate its distribution.
As we showed at the beginning of this post, this was in fact the solely motivation for killing this huge number of innocent young people. It is somehow disturbing to observe that media are facilitating the success of his terrorists goals. This was nevertheless a foreseable output, also planned by the terrorist.
We find this approach by these some newspapers really embarrassing. There is no a conflict with freedom of speech and freedom of press to restrict the access to the document by the media themselves or by public authorities. The nature of the document is not only about Anders Breivik political and ideological views. It is also a matter of how a terrorsit explains strategy and tactics on how to design and execute terror attacks. In some countries, the open distribution of such documents is considered as terrorism apology, a punishable crime.
The evil of 2083 Manifesto is that even if 95% of readers will find all the content repulsive and execrable, its distribution really increase the risks of new terror attacks, as the terror principles proposed by Breivik are to create as many “solo cells” as possible, that can be spontaneously induced and activated just by finding readers sympathetic with Breiivk ideas and project.
This is why Anders Breivik considers the distribution of 2083 Manifesto as a recruiting strategy and not merely a way to show his ideas. Please look at this clear statement:
Even if it seems too crude, we feel that media and web sites providing free access to all 2083 Manifesto documents are perfectly in line with what Breivik was seeking with his massacre. Of course, we understand that restricted access to scholars or other professionals makes sense, but we find disturbing this free access policy just for satisfying curiosity.
We show in the next figure how news references to 2083 Manifesto are exploding during the day.
Again, we present relative numbers, and not absolute numbers. We show the time evolution of the share of news about Anders Breivik that directly refer to 2083 Manifesto, by regions. We present three measures: at 12h CET, at 17h and at 20h.
News from Scandinavia, now including Norway, keep relatively stable around a 2% value. News about Breivik increase at the same pace that news mentioning the manifesto.
We observe a strong increase of the prevalence of news about the Manifesto in the rest of Europe and in US media. This morning, references to the document was negligible in the US, and right now they suppose some 10% of all cummulated news about Breivik. A similar trend in news from Europe.
Media interest in the document is lower in other areas of the world (LatAm, Asia, Australia).
Media in Europe consider Manifesto document very appealing for explaining the “political” motivations of the terrorist, and they present some of his ideological thesis in the articles. Even if they present them as the work of a perturbed extremist, media is currently channeling the message that Breivik wanted to be known by targeted people and groups, the Extreme Right groups in Europe.
(Addition July 25, 13h)
References to 2083 continue to increase in media coverage. Some media discuss about local politics using content from the compendium. For instance, US media polemicize about American author Robert Spencer, as his views about Islam and Yihad are backed by Anders Breivik.
In the following figure we show the weight of 2083 Manifesto in media coverage in main countries in Europe. It include news published up to July 25 10am CET.
Spanish media is the individual country citing more profusely 2083 Manifesto (in relative terms to all news about Breivik), in 24.6% of all articles. European average is right now 11.8%. We find also well above European average countries like Poland, France, Serbia or Russia. It is worth to note here that Breivik considers Ratko Mladic a fighter for the cohesion of Europe.
References to 2083 Manifesto have increased sharply in Norwegian newspapers, and now they account for 9.5% of all news. This change of media attitude has not been followed by the other Scandinavian countries, as they still get the Manifesto almost unnoticed. A similar trend is found in British and Irish media. It would be interesting to know why, adn probably has something to do with current scandals affecting sensationalistic press.
Apparently it does not emerge a common media trend as for countries experiencing local problems with Far Right groups.
How Massive is Media Coverage of Utoya Massacre? A Comparative Event Analysis.
(Addition July 25, 18h CET)
Anders Breivik was seeking global and massive media attention. We have already shown that media interest is global.
Now we will show how massive global and regional media coverage of Utoya massacre is. The way we normally follow at MRI Universidad de Navarra is to show the impact of an event by providing comparison to other similar or relevant events. This requires from us to monitor a wide range of international events.
We have profusely used the comparative analysis in our initial studies linked to what we call “media value” in professional sports, as in the sport industry, media impact is the most relevant factor. A number of sport related studies are avaliable at Economics, Sport and Intangibles research group site.
We have selected here a number of selected recent events:
1. Ratko Mladic arrest.
2. Bin Laden killing
3. Gabrielle Giffords assassination attempt.
We take the level of media coverage reached up to date by Utoya massacre as value 100.
All cases refer to political oriented violence or arrest/killing of terrorists. In all cases, main action start and ends in the first day.
First figure refers to media coverage in European countries.
Our results indicate that current media impact of Utoya tragedy is higher than media attention received by Mladic arrest and Giffords’ shooting. The impact of Bin Laden killing was some three times higher than the current Norwegian event.
The picture changes substantially when we look at US media coverage. As two other issues directly affected US interests, we find that media coverage given to Gabby Giffords shooting was some six times higher than present coverage to Utoya attack. The media impact of Bin Laden killing was almot 12 times higher. In order to make data comparable we have selected in all cases total media coverage during the three days after the event takes place. Total media coverage is of course higher, as media coverage to Breivik attacks will continue to grow.
We chose a third region, Oceania, as Australia and New Zealand are not directly involved in any of the four events analyzed. This provides a more genuine measure of how massive and global is media impact of Utoya attack.
We find that media attention to Utoya is higher than coverage given to both Mladic arrest and Giffords shooting. Bin Laden death produced a media impact five times higher than the Norwegian tragedy.
In one of our initial posts about the Japan massive earthquake and the nuclear crisis in Fukushima nuclear plant we showed to which extent media from different countries used Chernobyl nuclear disaster as reference included in news about the initial stages of Fukushima nuclear crisis. It was posted by March 16, just three days after the explosion in the nuclear facility. The severity of the accident was established as Level 4 by NISA and IAEA. But French nuclear watchdog considered it already as a Level 6 accident. Chernobyl was catalogued as a major accident, Level 7. In that moment, Chernobyl appeared in some 15-20% of all news in Europe (with a maximum of 29% in France). US media converage reached 25% of all news about Fukushima. In Asian countries, average relationship with Chernobyl was higher, between 20 and 34% of all news about Fukushima.
Today, April 12, almost a month later, NISA has raised its evaluation of Fukushima nuclear problems from Level 5 to Level 7. This is the maximum level, the same as Chernobyl. This upgrade of the assessment of the severity of the accident will probably have an incidence of Fukushima storyline media coverage from now on, that we will continue to monitor and analyze. This new evaluation will also have an impact on the ongoing nuclear debate in many countries in the world.
We show in this post the time evolution of the references to Chernobyl disaster when covering the Fukushima nuclear crisis. We compare it to the the references given to Three Mile Island. In this nuclear plant, a nuclear accident in February 28, 1979 provoked a reactor partial meltdown. This accident was catalogued as a Level 5 in INES scale, which was till today the equivalent to Fukushima accident.
Our results show that from the very beginning Chernobyl accident was the main reference used by the media. It took an initial media impact value of some 8 points, againts a value of 3.5 points for Three Mile Island references. Media impact value refers to the relative weight of mentions to Chernobyl and Three Mile Island inside the general news storyline about Fukushima. So, a decreasing path reveals that media tend to use in a relative lower extent Chernobyl as element of news about Fukushima. We observe a sustained decreasing path till the end of March, when Chernobyl presence reaches a minimum of some 5.5 points. We observe a new upward trend since one week. Before today announcement, Chernobyl media impact value was 6.5 points. Right now it in the neraby of 8 points of media impact., becoming a new maximum in the series. Expect logically further increases in at least in the next few days.
Concerning Three Mile Island time evolution, we observe an upward trend since March 18. In that day the Japanese agency upgraded the severity of the accident from level 4 to level 5, makint it equivalent to Three Mile Island. media impact value soared in two days from 3.0 to 4.2. After this peak, a decreasing trend emerges, dropping to a minimum of 2.3 points. Right now it moves in the 3.0 area.
In the following figure we show how media has evolved in using these two past nuclear accidents as references. An upward trend indicates that media use more Chernobyl references than Three Mile Island. In the afthermath of the explosions, and specially when the third blast was suffered by the nuclear facility, fears and references to Chernobyl increased. Paradoxically, when the increase of the nuclear problems was aknowledged, Chernobyl power decreased, as Three Mile Island was the past nuclear accident similar to actual. A sharp increase of the relative presence of Chernobyl news appear at the beginning of May. Evidently, we expect to observe in the coming days a sharp increase of this ratio.
In the following graph we show how we monitor a similar information. In this case we show the evolution of the direct references of the INES values concerning the evaluation of Fukushima nuclear accident. We show here the weight of references of top INES levels since the beginning of the problems. Initial media references were marginal. They multiplied when NISA decided to raise the nuclear problem from Level 4 to Level 5. Media refer logically to both switching measures. By comparison, there is almost no references to an upgrade of the severity of the nuclear problem to Level 6 or 7. References to INES scale tend to lose weight till 22-23 March. We observe a dramatic drop at the beginning of April. This is due to the fact that we show three weeks moving-average values. The collapse shows thta reference to INES scale were concentrated around the day when the upgrade was made (March 18), and thereafter references are just marginal.
Of course, today we experience a new era concerning these series, as references to Level 7 explode, counting just with news few hours after the announcement. This initial reaction suggest that media presence of Level 7 news will be much higher than previous references to Level 5 references in the news.