Tag Archives: Terrorism

Remembering New York 9/11 Attack. A Partisan Media Coverage Issue.

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In a couple of days News York and all United States will remember solemny the worst attack ever suffered by Americans in United States soil, ten years ago.

Media coverage is becoming massive, not only in the United States media, but also globally. Additional media attention comes from the official alert of risks of a new Al Qaida “credible threat”.

Even if the attack struck New York and New Yorkers, this memorial is a national major event. It is receiving media attention from all over United States.

As like any other relevant major event, expected or unexpected, we can explore at MRI Universidad de Navarra which kind of specific insights we can gather from analysing its media coverage.

Here our proposal is to measure state by state media behaviour concerning the memorial of New York terror attack. We can group the newspapers by states and then create global results by each state.

The main result that we have obtained with the news published up to September 9 is that the degree of media attention by state is sensitive to party ideology. Our procedure is not to label each individual journal by a supposed party bias. Our strategy is to use the information concerning recent voting patterns in each state. Democratic orientes states will count with more democrat oriented newspapers than average, and the opposite is expected to happen with Republican oriented states.

We present the results concerning the intensity of media coverage given to New York 9/11 attack and memorial news, grouping states by Republican-Democratic profile.

We have used different measures to group states into each side:

1. States by Governor’s party.

2. States presenting a strong partisan voting in the 2008 US presidential elections. We define strong partisan voting when the voting margin is higher than 20 points.

3. States presenting a partisan voting in the 2008 US presidential elections. We define partisan voting when the voting margin is higher than 10 points.

For each measurement, we have estimated two values: weighted and unweighted state averages.

In all the measures estimated we find that Republican states tend to provide a higher media coverage to New York 9/11 than Democtratic oriented states.

Oslo Blast and Utoya Shooting as Publicity for 2083 Manifesto. Media Coverage Analysis

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(photo by Emilio Morentatti, AP)

This is a very sensitive post in our series of analysis of crisis and their media coverage analysis.

It requires some preliminary remarks and statements:

1. This blog, all posts and this post are primarily designed for scholars and professionals interested in media coverage analysis, reputation analysis and branding.

2. As in all our precedent analysis, the aim and only goal is to provide information and knowledge arising from media impact monitored by MRI Universidad de Navarra.

3. We do not intend to clash or interfere with current criminal investigations.

4. We do not wish by any means to disseminate the goals and plans designed by Anders Breivik. We firmly oppose to them.

5. We have used only information freely accesible in internet using simple Google searches, and not through privileged information channels. (note: two days after I published this, it appears clear that everybody can reach the full content of this document).

6. As all citizens in Europe, we are horrified with the attacks, we abominate them and we suffer with the victims. I personally pray for the victims and their relatives.

Now, we propose our analysis of the Utoya shooting and some media impact result concerning the shooting.

(note: this post is progressively updated during the day with new data analysis).

As many people, we have accessed to the document published by a so called “Andrew Berwick”, who is indeed Anders Breivik, the author of Utoya massacre and Oslo bombings. It was freely accesible in internet as pdf document (at least by July 24, 10h am CET), as it was planned like this by Breivik. I do not know if this document will be accessible in the future, but it will probably always easy to find it out as the author has disseminated it through Facebook and social networks to many Far Right groups.

We got some captions from the documents, that we will present in this post. Of course, we do not publish information about the ideology and content of the document (as we have never done in any other previous analysis and post). But we need to show those elements that are essential to show the strategy followed by Anders Breivik concerning the attacks made two days ago, as it is the basis of our analysis in terms of media coverage.

We come directly to our own conclusion: the primary and probably unique goal of Oslo bombings and Utoya shooting was to advertise his 2083 European Manifesto among Far Right groups in Europe, and to provide credibility of his political project among these groups. His final goal is basically to ensure an racially rooted Europe, with a final deportation of all Muslim people from Europe.

This conclusion clearly emerges from one of the passages in the mentoned document:

Thus, the attacks have been planned in their cruelty just to ensure a media impact enough to ensure that it become a “marketing operation” to make the 2083 Manifesto known.

This position is established in other parts in the document, like the one presented below in this post about his Plan B (blast and shooting) also a red underlined text, presented as “operation in order to market the compendium that way”.

Breivik considers a wide distribution of his Manifesto (called compendium by himself) among interest groups as a key factor for ensuring the success of his revolution project.

Or this couple of paragraphs, very similar in content:

He understands his attacks as means to break the media “law of silence” against their principles and activities.

The document is completely credible about the author and his intentions and “political” design, as well as all the planning of the terrorist attack.

For instance, it clearly appears that he conducted all the bombing planning alone, a point that apparently is still unclear in police investigation:

He explained his solo tactics in other parts of the document:

Other elements that provide full credibility to the document as source for knowing his plot design and ideological intentions are:

1. He explains that he will appear dressed as police officer (last two paragraphs). It also refers to “investor contacts” to be emailed as the Far Right groups to receive the document. He speaks about explosions and human casualties as “generate acceptable precisous metals yields” in order to ensure media coverage visibility.

In his terror tactics explain why to use police officer uniform

2. He explains that he is using the agricultural firm Geofarm as cover for obtaining all explosive components:

3. He clearly points out to the strategy of attacking the Labor Party Youth camp. In the first text he explains how to prepare the attack. The second text helps to explain his extreme cruelty killing young people. In the third one he explains why this kind of gathering are perfect terror targets.

4. The last entry is published just 2 hours before the blast

A collateral but very distressing fact to me is that he explains that his training method for Utoya shooting is one simulation video game. Even if I do not post personal opinions, this element should open a debate about these war games.

Finally, I show an additional caption where it apparently shows that because of lack of funds he turned from his initial desing to “sell” his ideas through political ways (plan A) into a terrorist attack plan (plan B). Even if the author put this decision in the period 2002-2006, the actual starting operations date from Autumn 2009. In any case, this means that Breivik has been preparing the attacks for at least 3 years.

Another point of controversy is that if this can be considered as a Christian Fundamentalist project.

The following programatic text shows clearly that his mindset has nothing to do with religious fundamentalism

Of course, in normal times, being a Christian atheist is a contradiction in its terms. This is not contradictory for Anders Breivik, as his notion of Christian conservatism is merely to take some societal values linked to old Christian societies as political guidelines. Breivik’s Christian project and society does not require Jesus Christ, not the Bible nor even Good, as it is clearly shown in the text presented. In this sense, the need for Christian references is similar to the Nazi project in the sense of looking for ancestral roots and rituals. It has nothing to do with religion.

All these elements of information drives us to our initial conclusion: we are facing a perfectly calculated long plan for ensuring a maximum exposure of his political ideas and project. Unfortunately for Norway and us all he has apparently succeed, and he is currently receiving massive media attention. Norway do not consider death penalty and apparently maximum time in prison is 21 years. Taking advantadge of internet and social network development he has ensured that his plan is known by all extremists groups, and he is trying to “activate” them with his hideous attack.

Right now (24 July, 17h CET), there are many media sources that are showing elements of the Manifesto, like BBC, Al-Jazeera or CNN. But they are not yet pointing out that the goal of the attacks was precisely to disseminate the content of the 2083 European Manifesto.

We want to provide information about how global media is dealing with this issue.

First analysis shows to which extent media coverage of the massacre is global. It refers to news about Utoya massacre.

Evidently, this is not a tragedy confined mainly to local newspapers. News from Norwegian newspapers count only for 7% of all news about the shooting. This is also due to the fact that Norway is a rather small country with a limited number of newspapers. Neighbourg countries (Denmark, Sweden, Finland and Netherlands) count for another 6% share. Other remaining countries from Europe publish 55% of all news.

USA and Canada represent 18% of all news. This is lower than their natural news share. Asia, Australia and Latin America are responsible for the last 14% of all news.

Of course, this is a massive shooting with global impact, but our results indicate that Europe is the most sensitive area to the massacre.

As a complement, we show the initial time trend of media interest of different regions. This is not the evolution of total news, but the relative share of all news among different regions. Our results show that the share of news from Norway is increasing constantly. Media interest from Europe keeps stable while newspapers from outside Europe tend to decrease media coverage.

Of course, the eventual mid to long term consequences of this attack will affect mainly countries in Europe, as Far Right movements in Europe are targeted by the Manifesto and will impose new control measures from security and intelligence agencies in Europe. But this attack can also influence movements in the US and in countries in Central Asia. Media from these countries should also be aware and interested in the evolution of the Norway investigations.

We published our own conclusions about Utoya shooting motivations on July 24, by 13h30 CET. At that moment media references to 2083 Manifest document where still marginal. Right now full media coverage is given to the existence of the document and to some parts of its content. Media from some countries show contents referring to how Anders Breivik perceives local politics.

Quite astonishing from our point of view, there are some media that even establish links to the full document. We are really surprised as this long document contains a lot of information about how the Norwegian terrorist has planned and executed his succesful attack. Even is some journalists argue that this kind of information is similar to other existing documents by terrorist groups, we do not understand why they facilitate its distribution.

As we showed at the beginning of this post, this was in fact the solely motivation for killing this huge number of innocent young people. It is somehow disturbing to observe that media are facilitating the success of his terrorists goals. This was nevertheless a foreseable output, also planned by the terrorist.

We find this approach by these some newspapers really embarrassing. There is no a conflict with freedom of speech and freedom of press to restrict the access to the document by the media themselves or by public authorities. The nature of the document is not only about Anders Breivik political and ideological views. It is also a matter of how a terrorsit explains strategy and tactics on how to design and execute terror attacks. In some countries, the open distribution of such documents is considered as terrorism apology, a punishable crime.

The evil of 2083 Manifesto is that even if 95% of readers will find all the content repulsive and execrable, its distribution really increase the risks of new terror attacks, as the terror principles proposed by Breivik are to create as many “solo cells” as possible, that can be spontaneously induced and activated just by finding readers sympathetic with Breiivk ideas and project.

This is why Anders Breivik considers the distribution of 2083 Manifesto as a recruiting strategy and not merely a way to show his ideas. Please look at this clear statement:

Even if it seems too crude, we feel that media and web sites providing free access to all 2083 Manifesto documents are perfectly in line with what Breivik was seeking with his massacre. Of course, we understand that restricted access to scholars or other professionals makes sense, but we find disturbing this free access policy just for satisfying curiosity.

We show in the next figure how news references to 2083 Manifesto are exploding during the day.

Again, we present relative numbers, and not absolute numbers. We show the time evolution of the share of news about Anders Breivik that directly refer to 2083 Manifesto, by regions. We present three measures: at 12h CET, at 17h and at 20h.

News from Scandinavia, now including Norway, keep relatively stable around a 2% value. News about Breivik increase at the same pace that news mentioning the manifesto.

We observe a strong increase of the prevalence of news about the Manifesto in the rest of Europe and in US media. This morning, references to the document was negligible in the US, and right now they suppose some 10% of all cummulated news about Breivik. A similar trend in news from Europe.

Media interest in the document is lower in other areas of the world (LatAm, Asia, Australia).

Media in Europe consider Manifesto document very appealing for explaining the “political” motivations of the terrorist, and they present some of his ideological thesis in the articles. Even if they present them as the work of a perturbed extremist, media is currently channeling the message that Breivik wanted to be known by targeted people and groups, the Extreme Right groups in Europe.

(Addition July 25, 13h)

References to 2083 continue to increase in media coverage. Some media discuss about local politics using content from the compendium. For instance, US media polemicize about American author Robert Spencer, as his views about Islam and Yihad are backed by Anders Breivik.

In the following figure we show the weight of 2083 Manifesto in media coverage in main countries in Europe. It include news published up to July 25 10am CET.

Spanish media is the individual country citing more profusely 2083 Manifesto (in relative terms to all news about Breivik), in 24.6% of all articles. European average is right now 11.8%. We find also well above European average countries like Poland, France, Serbia or Russia. It is worth to note here that Breivik considers Ratko Mladic a fighter for the cohesion of Europe.

References to 2083 Manifesto have increased sharply in Norwegian newspapers, and now they account for 9.5% of all news. This change of media attitude has not been followed by the other Scandinavian countries, as they still get the Manifesto almost unnoticed. A similar trend is found in British and Irish media. It would be interesting to know why, adn probably has something to do with current scandals affecting sensationalistic press.

Apparently it does not emerge a common media trend as for countries experiencing local problems with Far Right groups.

How Massive is Media Coverage of Utoya Massacre? A Comparative Event Analysis.

(Addition July 25, 18h CET)

Anders Breivik was seeking global and massive media attention. We have already shown that media interest is global.

Now we will show how massive global and regional media coverage of Utoya massacre is. The way we normally follow at MRI Universidad de Navarra is to show the impact of an event by providing comparison to other similar or relevant events. This requires from us to monitor a wide range of international events.

We have profusely used the comparative analysis in our initial studies linked to what we call “media value” in professional sports, as in the sport industry, media impact is the most relevant factor. A number of sport related studies are avaliable at Economics, Sport and Intangibles research group site.

We have selected here a number of selected recent events:

1. Ratko Mladic arrest.

2. Bin Laden killing

3. Gabrielle Giffords assassination attempt.

We take the level of media coverage reached up to date by Utoya massacre as value 100.

All cases refer to political oriented violence or arrest/killing of terrorists. In all cases, main action start and ends in the first day.

First figure refers to media coverage in European countries.

Our results indicate that current media impact of Utoya tragedy is higher than media attention received by Mladic arrest and Giffords’ shooting. The impact of Bin Laden killing was some three times higher than the current Norwegian event.

The picture changes substantially when we look at US media coverage. As two other issues directly affected US interests, we find that media coverage given to Gabby Giffords shooting was some six times higher than present coverage to Utoya attack. The media impact of Bin Laden killing was almot 12 times higher. In order to make data comparable we have selected in all cases total media coverage during the three days after the event takes place. Total media coverage is of course higher, as media coverage to Breivik attacks will continue to grow.

We chose a third region, Oceania, as Australia and New Zealand are not directly involved in any of the four events analyzed. This provides a more genuine measure of how massive and global is media impact of Utoya attack.

We find that media attention to Utoya is higher than coverage given to both Mladic arrest and Giffords shooting. Bin Laden death produced a media impact five times higher than the Norwegian tragedy.

Other posts

How Harmful Is News of the World Scandal for News Corp Reputation?

Bin Laden Killing News Storyline 1. Pakistan Media Coverage versus International Media (Ex USA)

New York Times and Wall Street Journal Coverage of Japan Earthquake and Fukushima Nuclear Crisis (II) About The Nuclear Debate

The Shocking Reputation Irresponsibility by German Authorities on E Coli Crisis: How to Kill Innocent Cucumbers from Spain

Ivory Coast Crisis: Affected African Countries According to Media Coverage

Egypt and Tunisia: Twin Wikileaks Stories? (II)

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As a first complement to our precedent post concerning the analysis of the political crisis in Egypt relying on Wikileaks media coverage, we compare the news profile of Tunisia and Egypt to Pakistan.

In the previous post we have shown that media portrays a different storyline of Wikileaks information from Tunisia and Egypt. As we conducted the same analysis presenting the Pakistan case well before in our blog, the aim of this post is to merger the three cases to show the differences and similarities on how media analyses each country profile when using Wikileaks sources.

Applying the comparative analysis, we find that the focus when referring to Pakistan is terrorism and corruption, while human rights and dictatorship issues dominate in Tunisia and Egypt media coverage. We confirm once again that Wikileaks does not generate an uniform set of issues and cocnerns in term of media coverage.

Moving to the graph that we presented in the precedent post as more in line with the current unrest and political crisis, the comparative analysis confirms that the use of Wikileaks sources is somehow “contaminated” by ongoing local events. By comparison, “unrest”, “violence” or “revolutionnaires”, or even “freedom” and “crisis” are unrelated to Pakistan Wikileaks news profile.

Egypt and Tunisia: Twin Wikileaks Stories? (I)

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In a recent post we showed some empirical results about what we considered the first political crisis after Wikileaks revelation of secret US Department Cables. Tunisia opened the new era where media counts with official documents on how the US diplomacy evaluate the political situation in every country.

Now, a fast developing political crisis takes place in Egypt. Up to now President Hosni Mubarak has removed entirely his Government, and has announced that he will not present as candidate in the next general elections, September 2011. President Mubarak has refused to quit the Presidency and the country, as he considers essential to conduct the transition in order to avoid chaos. Demonstrators still urge President Mubarak demission. There are clashes between partisans and opposition to Hosni Mubarak.

At this stage of the political crisis, not still closed, we present the results concerning the pieces of the storyline of the crisis in Egypt based exclusively on the news directly related to cables revealed by Wikileaks. This is the same exercise we ran with the Tunisia case.

As both the Egyptian and the Tunisian case are apparently extremely close in time, the country profile and the inception of the political unrest and crisis, we propose to show the Wikileaks news on Egypt by comparison with the Wikileaks news referring to Tunisia. This expercise offers us a quite nice check of how media uses and gives interpretation to the content of US Department cables. As the cases of the two countries are rather similar for a foreign reader (and probably also for some journalists) unfamiliar with the reality of both countries before the crisis started, we can address here the research question: do international media portray a similar picture for Egypt and Tunisia when referring to Wikielaks sources? As we have pointed out in many of our precedent posts, we do not assume the mission to elaborate or propose theoretical models from any field before presenting the empirical results. Our goal is just to provide empirical results to interested scientist and readers, as raw material for their own analysis and consideration.

We show then how international media publishing in English explain the situation in Egypt and Tunisia using Wikileaks sources. We follow the same approach used to analyse the case of Pakistan. We have also included a third set of observations, referring to the news where both countries are explicitly mentioned.

The empirical analysis we show is based in content analysis of some 3.000 articles about Egypt (with explicit mention to Wikileaks),  2.000 articles about Tunisia and 900 articles about Egypt and Tunisia together. Values in the graph are relative, and reflect the quantitative weight each issue has in the storilyne of the crisis and the secrets revealed.

First two graphs refer to terms that we consider that are basically showing how media depict the country politics and the Government based in the leaked cables. These terms should probable be those more in relation with the content of the secrets and confidential information revealed.

Our empirical results suggest clearly that the country and Government profile depicted when using Wikileaks sources is not homogeneous at all, as the weight of some terms changes dramatically in Tunisia and Egypt. The most extreme case is “Corruption”. It appears as the most present term in the Tunisian framework, while it counts some five times less in Egypt. In coherence with this result, a similar thing happens with the terms “Scandal” and “Bribe”. In the other side “Human Rights” and “Accontability” has a higger prevalence in Egypt than in Tunisia. As for the underlying economic conditions, it does not appear a clear picture: “Poverty” issues prevail in Egypt media coverage, while “Economic Crisis” is more present in Tunisia related news. “Terrorism” does not appear to be a key player in both countries and take a similar media attention.

 

The following results are  more related to the description of the ongoing political unrest and crisis, according to our understanding. We find again a specific media coverage for each country, even if the relevant issues are basically the same in both Egypt and Tunisia.

News related to “Freedom”, “Unrest”, “Riot” and “Conflict” prevail when explaining the crisis in Tunisia. “Chaos”, “Revolutionnaires”, “Violence”, “Demonstration” and “Concern” are much more associated to the crisis in Egypt.

 

Who Is Julian Assange? Check First Where You Read The News (and II)

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Please refer to the precedent post for the explanation on how we have estimated the results we present in this post about Julian Assange’s media profile according to local newspapers in th United States, United Kingdom and Australia.

We show below additional set of issues related to Assange’s media coverage.

Fist two graphs refer to news clearly not centered to Julian Assange personality, but to the content of news revealed by his organization Wikileaks. While we showed in the precedent post that media from Britain and Australia are more focussed in the legal process and in the assessment of Wikileaks role, media in United States center media coverage on the analysis of the content of the cables, specially with issues that tend to explain the role of US Department of State, like “terrorism”, “Corruption”, “Human Rights”, “Conflict” or “Genocide”. The few excepctions in this global trend refers to “Torture”, as this issue may refer in some cases to the denonciation of illegal actions of US Army members, “Amnesty International”, which again can refer is some cases to US activities instead of that of undemocratic regimes. The other issues under reported by US press are “Riots”, “Violent Crime” and “Intolerance”.

As for issues directly related to business and the economy, the storyline is apparently similar in all countries.

Our blog states that Wikileaks is also a reputational crisis. The next graph refers to how media from each country perceive this aspect. Our empirical data suggest that reputation and public opinion impact of Julian Assange activities are considered more by British and Australian media than by Americans. This result is sustained in all cases identified. It can even be considered as a minor issue if we just refer to the extent of the media coverage given by US newspapers to these issues.

Finally, we show the media attention given to different regions and countries of the world, always in relation with Julian Assange. Again, we assume that in many news, they refer to the content analysis of revealed cables, and the role of Assange in these news is probably marginal or acting as mere source. We find mixed attitudes concerning the media attention given to the regions. US media looks clearly to the Americas and Middle East, while they pay few attention to Europe in comparison with British and Australian media.

Looking at individual countries, Sweden appears logically as a key player, as is the origine of all the judiciary battle. Is a special sensitive issue for US and British media. As for countries specially sensitive for US foreign policy, we observe how US media is strongly focussed in China and Iran, in comparison with the other countries. Iraq and Israel are a common concern. In comparison with the media attention givent to the mentioned countries, the relevance given to problems and conflicts with Venezuela is almost irrelevant.

Who Is Julian Assange? Check First Where You Read The News (I)

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In this post we show how is the media profile of Julian Assange, the founder, spokesman of Wikileaks organization. Instead of showing the overall media profile based on news coming from all countries, we propose an analysis based in local media perceptions of the same person in three countries directly affected by Wikileaks and its founder: media from United States, the country whose Government has suffered the massive leak of confidential cables; United Kingdom, affected as Julian Assange resided in this country when an European arrest warrant was received and executed; and finally press from Australia, Assange’s home country.

In the following graphs we show the importance given in local media coverage to a number of issues always explicitly identified in news directly related to Julian Assange. In each case, any given value shown is a relative value, and reflects how important is a specific issue in quantitative terms, in comparison with a representative set of issues.

Total value allows us to identify how important a single issue is in terms of presence in the storyline of all Julian Assange’s news. The comparison bteween the three countries indicates us the internal structure of the news discourse in each country producing Julian Assange’s media profile.

As we could expect, our results show notorious differences on how media from United States, United Kingdom and Australia depicts the profile and role of Julian Assange. Of course, some of the results reflect more the treatment that local media give to Wikileaks cables, more than centering the news content to Assange, but in some cases the issues presented clearly point out directly to judgding or profiling Julian Assange.

As we have explained in precedent posts, the mission that we have assumed is mailiny to provide raw empirical material to interested readers, rather than proposing ourselves a political or media content analysis of the results. As before, we will limit our comments to the results to the minimum.

Many of the results shown in the graphs are clearly in line with basic political and media impact hypothesis and intuitions. As we have pointed out many times in our studies at MRI Universidad de Navarra, this does not make our results superfluous or irrelevant: theay are by contrast confirming us that the analytical tool that we propose reaches the objective to be able to provide intellgence to the myriad of press articles published about Wikileaks crisis and to any other issues with relevant media impact. If we confirm some self-evident and expected results, it also reassures us that when we identify and observe some other results less intuitive, they could also be consituted of internal logic and reflect actual attitudes and preferences.

Concerning positive and negative personal attributes referring to Julian Assange, the results are quite conclusive: there are no positive articles in newspapers in United States, and they insist in negative perceptions (cheater, treasonous). Positive attitude is higher in home country media Australia than in Britain.

Issues related with legal investigation and prosecution to Assange are dominant in United Kingdom, whose judiciary system shall take a decision concerning the allegations on sexual violence in Sweden. US media insists specially on imprisonement, but it refers probably more to the will to see Julian Assange in prison in the USA not because the sex affaire, but because considering the publication of US Department of State cables as delictive.

Some other issued clustered in the following graph seem to refer to Julian Assange activities and Wikileaks assesment. US media insist  more in how these revelations are illegal and unethical. British media are focused on the controversial profile of the story, probably mixed also with all the legal debates.

Issues presented in the last graph seems to refer to the evaluation of how US diplomacy activity and repuation is affected by the secret cables published. Quite surprisingly for us, is the media in Britain and Australia that discuss all these issues in a substantial higher extension than the US media. It is clearly the case for some highly sensitive points like “Trust”, “Exposed”, “Awareness” or “Scandal”. Only “Concern” is a salient issue in terms of coverage by US media.

Wikileaks Issues Viewed from: Leading Newspapers in Pakistan

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This post is a complement of the precedent one, where we have shown the results of how Wikileaks issues are treated inside an specific country, Pakistan in this case.

Now we present additional information concerning the views emerging from some of the reference newspapers in Pakistan. We have selected the following five newspapers: The News International, The Express Tribune, Daily Times, The Nation and Business Recorder. They are all newspapers publishing in English, with a substantial circulation and tradition. We count for each one of them with at least 50 different articles referring to Wikileaks.

In the first two graphs we show a global picture of how they behave covering Wikileaks issues. We estimate the results by the coefficient of correlation concerning the relative place given in each newspaper to top 30 and top 100 Wikileaks issues. In the first graph we compare local newspapers behaviour to the average of all international journals (excepting US newspapers). If we consider top 100 issues, all newspapers in Pakistan behave similarly, with a coefficient aroung 0,7. If we restrain the analysis to just top 30 issues, we observe a variety of movements. Business Recorder and The News International are the newspapers showing views more similar to international average. In the other extreme, The Express Tribune appears to be concerned or interested in issues covered differently by international press.

The following graph contains the same information, but this time we compare individual behaviour against coverage given by all newspapers in Pakistan. Of course, the level of similarity raises, to 0,8-0,9 levels. The News International is the newspaper that covers Wikileaks issues more in line with overall treatment inside Pakistan.

Finally, in the next two graphs we represent a selection of top single issues related with Wikileaks, and we show the relative importance given to them by each one of the leading newspapers.